A political blog about Bahamian politics in The Bahamas, Bahamian Politicans - and the entire Bahamas political lot. Bahamian Blogger Dennis Dames keeps you updated on the political news and views throughout the islands of The Bahamas without fear or favor. Bahamian Politicians and the Bahamian Political Arena: Updates one Post at a time on Bahamas Politics and Bahamas Politicans; and their local, regional and international policies and perspectives.
Monday, May 30, 2011
WikiLeaks, former Acting Commissioner of Police Reginald Ferguson, Politics and the Royal Bahamas Police Force (RBPF)
Ferguson wanted top cops dismissed
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable reveals power struggle in police force
Then Acting Commissioner of Police Reginald Ferguson in early 2009 told United States Embassy officials that he had recommended to Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham as early as November 2007 that all but one of the then assistant commissioners of police be dismissed, including now Commissioner Ellison Greenslade, according to a U.S. embassy diplomatic cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from WikiLeaks.
The February 2009 confidential cable revealed that the only assistant commissioner Ferguson thought should remain was Marvin Dames. Dames, who was subsequently made deputy commissioner in January 2010, is now leaving the Royal Bahamas Police Force (RBPF) to reportedly head the security division at Baha Mar.
According to the cable, Ferguson told embassy officials at that time that he flatly refused to work with Greenslade, “admitting that he had caused Greenslade to be sent to Canada for training.
“Ferguson bluntly stated that he does not favor Greenslade to become the next police commissioner, and said he wished to retain only Dames, whom he clearly favors as a future successor.”
When contacted about the cable, Ferguson said he had no comment.
“The acting commissioner is apparently against Greenslade for supporting an attempt late in the previous Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) administration to sideline Ferguson through a dead-end appointment to a position at the Police College,” said the cable.
“Ferguson's career prospects improved, however, after the Free National Movement (FNM) won the May 2007 elections (Ferguson’s brother, Johnley, is a high-ranking FNM party official).”
The allegation that Greenslade supported the PLP’s move of Ferguson was not substantiated.
Dames and Ferguson worked closely together for many years when Ferguson was the assistant commissioner with responsibility for crime and Dames was his number two as head of the Central Detective Unit (CDU).
Politics and the force
The constitution of The Bahamas politicizes the appointment of the executive command of the force. The prime minister, through various consultations, essentially appoints all assistant commissioners, the deputy commissioner and the commissioner of police.
In March 2007, shortly before the general election, the Perry Christie administration appointed a large number of new executives in the force.
Greenslade, Ruben Smith, Reginald Ferguson and Allan Gibson were named senior assistant commissioners.
Marvin Dames, Chris McCoy, James Carey, Kirkland Hutchinson, Eugene Cartwright and Juanita Colebrooke were each promoted to the post of assistant commissioner of police. At the time, John Rolle was deputy commissioner and Paul Farquharson was commissioner.
There was controversy when the Christie administration named the large number of assistant commissioners. Traditionally, there were around four to five assistant commissioners. Adding to the controversy was the decision to relegate Ferguson, one of the most senior officers in the force, to head the Police College. This command was usually held by a more junior officer.
There was tension between Reginald Ferguson and the then PLP government. It perceived him as an antagonist and a supporter of the FNM.
Reshaping the force
It is unclear if the moves made in the force were solely or partially made based on Ferguson’s recommendations or not, but nearly all of the assistant commissioners Ferguson reportedly recommended to be replaced were ‘retired’ from the force.
In January 2009, McCoy, Colebrook, Hutchinson, Cartwright and Carey all left the force, along with a group of other senior officers below the rank of assistant commissioner. Gibson and Smith had previously retired as senior assistant commissioners.
Dames and Greenslade, the two main candidates to be the next commissioner of police, had spent much of 2008 training in Canada.
“By sending Greenslade and Dames abroad, the new GCOB (Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas) avoided a potentially divisive succession struggle while developing the leadership capacity of two young up-and-coming officers in line with its drive to modernize the force,” said the embassy in the cable.
“It also avoided an untimely squabble with the new acting commissioner, who desired a free hand in making top appointments and made no secret of his preference for Dames over Greenslade.”
Despite Ferguson’s preference, he was not able to stop the ascent of Greenslade.
In January 2009, when the group of assistant commissioners was retired, Greenslade became the acting deputy commissioner and Dames the senior assistant commissioner responsible for Grand Bahama.
“Ferguson hoped to remain as acting commissioner for several years longer, which would also help him see his favorite, Dames, succeed him. He appeared resigned that it was politically impossible for Greenslade to be removed now,” said the February 2009 cable.
“Ferguson said the reason he was not officially named commissioner while serving for over a year was his refusals to back down from his view that all RBPF assistant commissioners serving when the FNM took office, with the exception of Dames, should be dismissed.
“He added that he doubted that Greenslade would be equally resistant to political pressure. In the end, the GCOB appears to have implemented one of the compromise outcomes floated by Ferguson (including to embassy officials): retaining the current police chief but positioning two possible successors in the next most responsible positions, giving both the opportunity to earn the trust of the force and the public before any successor is named.“
In March, one month after the cable was written, Ferguson was confirmed as commissioner of police. He held the confirmed post for less than a year, however. Greenslade was named commissioner and Ferguson retired in January 2010.
Ferguson was named director of the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU)after his retirement from the force.
Despite the rivalry in the force during this period, the Americans were pleased with Ferguson, Greenslade and Dames, according to the cable.
“Both Greenslade and Dames are regarded as forward-looking and capable officers with the potential to assume overall command of the police force in the future, despite differing personal styles,” the embassy said.
“Greenslade may have the edge in practical experience and rank-and-file support, having risen through the police ranks, as well as public support due to his success in Grand Bahama during a time when hurricanes ravaged the island. For his part, Ferguson is a respected, no-nonsense official who puts a premium on integrity and often speaks out against corruption – accusations of which do not taint him but may stick to others under his command.
“He also has a good relationship and solid track record of professional cooperation with U.S. law enforcement agencies.”
5/30/2011
thenassauguardian
Sunday, May 29, 2011
Fred Mitchell, opposition Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) spokesman on Foreign Affairs criticized The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the [WikiLeaks] United States Embassy in Nassau confidential cables
U.S. was unimpressed with new opposition
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable says PLP was concerned by claim U.S. favored FNM
The Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) sought to project the image of an energized opposition in a meeting with senior officials of the United States Embassy in Nassau shortly after it lost the 2007 general election, but the American description of the party after the sit down indicated that those officials were not impressed with the PLP.
The confidential cable, with the surname of then Chargé d'affaires Brent Hardt at the end of it, said the September 2007 working lunch was hosted by PLP leader Perry Christie and former Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell.
“The lunch, which emerged from a discussion Hardt had with Christie in the weeks after the elections, itself reflected the shortcomings of the PLP's governing style. The date and format was repeatedly changed at the PLP's request as they could not agree internally on a suitable date,” said the cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from the whistleblower WikiLeaks.
“Characteristic of the PLP, half of the 12 participants arrived late. And, while there was some substance in the discussions, the PLP seemed more interested in photographs and a press release of the meeting to signal their continuing good relations with the U.S.
“The party as a whole continues to have difficulty accepting their surprise electoral defeat, and the divisions that plagued the party during elections have become worse in the wake of the defeat, with blame for the loss usually being directed at Christie for his indecisive leadership style or at those ministers with scandals that tainted the party.”
According to the cable, Christie emphasized his party's commitment throughout its tenure in office to maintaining close relations with the U.S. and his desire that the U.S. continues to view the PLP as a trusted partner.
The cable said the PLP was concerned about a suggestion by the Free National Movement (FNM) after the election that relations with the U.S. were better under that party than they were under the PLP.
Referring to Christie, the cable said, “He noted that many PLP supporters felt that the U.S. had been ‘unhappy’ with the PLP prior to elections, and that this had had an impact on the campaign.
“The chargĂ© d'affaires pointed out that whenever he had been asked publicly about the foreign minister's statement, (Brent Symonette) he had stated that we enjoyed outstanding relations with the current government and outstanding relations with the previous government.”
The Americans, according to this cable, emphasized that it was fortunate that in The Bahamas the major political parties both wanted “to have and be seen to have close relations with the U.S.”
After reviewing the highlights in bilateral relations during Christie's tenure, including agreement on mega-ports and container security initiatives and mutual support for the new Haitian government, “the charge reiterated U.S. appreciation for Christie's support for the close partnership we enjoyed,” said the cable.
Despite the assurance given to Christie and the PLP, in a confidential April 2007 cable, the embassy remarked that “the FNM would likely be a stronger supporter of U.S. international goals” while affirming that both parties were friendly bilateral partners.
PLP on policy issues
The September 2007 cable also said that the PLP was concerned that the U.S. was unhappy with the Christie administration because of perceived closer ties with Cuba.
“He (Hardt) explained that the U.S. understood The Bahamas’ need to work with Cuba to resolve migration matters and look after Bahamians who travel to or study in Cuba,” said the cable.
“At the same time, we sought to encourage democratic countries, such as The Bahamas, to use their relationship with Cuba to encourage Cuban government respect for the same values and rights that people in The Bahamas demand.”
PLP officials, according to the cable, also queried embassy staff on the incoming ambassador, Ned Siegel, the status of Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos (OPBAT), the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative, Haiti and visa issues, “even including some specific visa concerns on behalf of constituents,” said the cable of the meeting.
With the PLP having raised relevant questions about these numerous policy issues, it is unclear why the Americans concluded the meeting with such a mediocre view of the party’s performance.
PLP decries commentary on cables
Fred Mitchell, opposition spokesman on Foreign Affairs, issued a statement yesterday criticizing The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the cables.
Major international news organizations such as The New York Times, The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais and Der Spiegel have made the same decision as The Nassau Guardian to publish the cables.
In Jamaica, The Gleaner started publishing cables on that country one day before The Nassau Guardian.
“(Yesterday) morning in a drop box on its front page May 26, The Nassau Guardian is promoting the continued release of the gossip papers that they have obtained by WikiLeaks,” said Mitchell.
“In it they attack the PLP, repeating untested, unproven and hearsay statements about a meeting which allegedly took place with the PLP and the United States Embassy officials in Nassau in 2007.
“The information which they are promoting is certainly prejudicial and uninformed. In addition, it is incredible that a national newspaper of record in the face of the major issues of crime and unemployment would be engaging in the promotion of tattle tale gossip as if it were fact.”
Mitchell argued that the information contained in the “so called cables is almost certainly biased and skewed to reflect the current FNM propaganda of the day.”
He added: “The PLP remains focused on returning to government and seeking to put people back to work and to lessen crime. We urge The Guardian to get focused on what is actually happening in the country and not seeking to rehash untested gossip about what happened four years ago.
“The PLP is not the government today. The FNM is the government and they bear responsibility for the foreign affairs of this country and the state of this economy and the level of crime.”
The Nassau Guardian’s coverage of the cables has provided to The Bahamas historic coverage of the behind-the-scenes decision-making process between the U.S. and The Bahamas.
The cables cover the period from 2003 to 2010, mostly pertaining to the PLP’s period in power from 2002 to 2007. Stories published thus far have revealed opinions, held by both sides, of the bilateral relationship never before revealed to the Bahamian public.
The cables detail meetings the Americans had with PLPs, FNMs, fringe politicians, church leaders, businessmen, journalists, law enforcement officials, civil servants and many others.
5/27/2011
thenassauguardian
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable says PLP was concerned by claim U.S. favored FNM
The Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) sought to project the image of an energized opposition in a meeting with senior officials of the United States Embassy in Nassau shortly after it lost the 2007 general election, but the American description of the party after the sit down indicated that those officials were not impressed with the PLP.
The confidential cable, with the surname of then Chargé d'affaires Brent Hardt at the end of it, said the September 2007 working lunch was hosted by PLP leader Perry Christie and former Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell.
“The lunch, which emerged from a discussion Hardt had with Christie in the weeks after the elections, itself reflected the shortcomings of the PLP's governing style. The date and format was repeatedly changed at the PLP's request as they could not agree internally on a suitable date,” said the cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from the whistleblower WikiLeaks.
“Characteristic of the PLP, half of the 12 participants arrived late. And, while there was some substance in the discussions, the PLP seemed more interested in photographs and a press release of the meeting to signal their continuing good relations with the U.S.
“The party as a whole continues to have difficulty accepting their surprise electoral defeat, and the divisions that plagued the party during elections have become worse in the wake of the defeat, with blame for the loss usually being directed at Christie for his indecisive leadership style or at those ministers with scandals that tainted the party.”
According to the cable, Christie emphasized his party's commitment throughout its tenure in office to maintaining close relations with the U.S. and his desire that the U.S. continues to view the PLP as a trusted partner.
The cable said the PLP was concerned about a suggestion by the Free National Movement (FNM) after the election that relations with the U.S. were better under that party than they were under the PLP.
Referring to Christie, the cable said, “He noted that many PLP supporters felt that the U.S. had been ‘unhappy’ with the PLP prior to elections, and that this had had an impact on the campaign.
“The chargĂ© d'affaires pointed out that whenever he had been asked publicly about the foreign minister's statement, (Brent Symonette) he had stated that we enjoyed outstanding relations with the current government and outstanding relations with the previous government.”
The Americans, according to this cable, emphasized that it was fortunate that in The Bahamas the major political parties both wanted “to have and be seen to have close relations with the U.S.”
After reviewing the highlights in bilateral relations during Christie's tenure, including agreement on mega-ports and container security initiatives and mutual support for the new Haitian government, “the charge reiterated U.S. appreciation for Christie's support for the close partnership we enjoyed,” said the cable.
Despite the assurance given to Christie and the PLP, in a confidential April 2007 cable, the embassy remarked that “the FNM would likely be a stronger supporter of U.S. international goals” while affirming that both parties were friendly bilateral partners.
PLP on policy issues
The September 2007 cable also said that the PLP was concerned that the U.S. was unhappy with the Christie administration because of perceived closer ties with Cuba.
“He (Hardt) explained that the U.S. understood The Bahamas’ need to work with Cuba to resolve migration matters and look after Bahamians who travel to or study in Cuba,” said the cable.
“At the same time, we sought to encourage democratic countries, such as The Bahamas, to use their relationship with Cuba to encourage Cuban government respect for the same values and rights that people in The Bahamas demand.”
PLP officials, according to the cable, also queried embassy staff on the incoming ambassador, Ned Siegel, the status of Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos (OPBAT), the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative, Haiti and visa issues, “even including some specific visa concerns on behalf of constituents,” said the cable of the meeting.
With the PLP having raised relevant questions about these numerous policy issues, it is unclear why the Americans concluded the meeting with such a mediocre view of the party’s performance.
PLP decries commentary on cables
Fred Mitchell, opposition spokesman on Foreign Affairs, issued a statement yesterday criticizing The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the cables.
Major international news organizations such as The New York Times, The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais and Der Spiegel have made the same decision as The Nassau Guardian to publish the cables.
In Jamaica, The Gleaner started publishing cables on that country one day before The Nassau Guardian.
“(Yesterday) morning in a drop box on its front page May 26, The Nassau Guardian is promoting the continued release of the gossip papers that they have obtained by WikiLeaks,” said Mitchell.
“In it they attack the PLP, repeating untested, unproven and hearsay statements about a meeting which allegedly took place with the PLP and the United States Embassy officials in Nassau in 2007.
“The information which they are promoting is certainly prejudicial and uninformed. In addition, it is incredible that a national newspaper of record in the face of the major issues of crime and unemployment would be engaging in the promotion of tattle tale gossip as if it were fact.”
Mitchell argued that the information contained in the “so called cables is almost certainly biased and skewed to reflect the current FNM propaganda of the day.”
He added: “The PLP remains focused on returning to government and seeking to put people back to work and to lessen crime. We urge The Guardian to get focused on what is actually happening in the country and not seeking to rehash untested gossip about what happened four years ago.
“The PLP is not the government today. The FNM is the government and they bear responsibility for the foreign affairs of this country and the state of this economy and the level of crime.”
The Nassau Guardian’s coverage of the cables has provided to The Bahamas historic coverage of the behind-the-scenes decision-making process between the U.S. and The Bahamas.
The cables cover the period from 2003 to 2010, mostly pertaining to the PLP’s period in power from 2002 to 2007. Stories published thus far have revealed opinions, held by both sides, of the bilateral relationship never before revealed to the Bahamian public.
The cables detail meetings the Americans had with PLPs, FNMs, fringe politicians, church leaders, businessmen, journalists, law enforcement officials, civil servants and many others.
5/27/2011
thenassauguardian
Saturday, May 28, 2011
Branville McCartney - the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) credibility seems to erode the more he speaks
Branville McCartney's vanity party
By SIMON
FRONT PORCH
The press pass many journalists have generally given Branville McCartney is best understood with regard to the media’s perpetual hunt for ratings and sales, boredom and hunger for headlines, as well as its own ignorance of Bahamian history and often incurious nature.
But there is only so much of a pass the public can give the press in terms of the latter’s disregard for some of the basics of competent let alone good journalism. One story in particular from last week showcased the media’s laziness when it comes to providing the public with greater context.
In an interview for the NB 12 newscast, the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance claimed that his party started the same way as the PLP and FNM. Not only did the reporter fail to query such a bold claim during the interview, but there was also no post-interview fact-check of Mr. McCartney’s bogus claim.
There are various conclusions one may draw from Mr. McCartney’s bold and bogus claim. Either he was purposefully misleading the public or is stunningly ignorant of Bahamian political history — or both! Whatever the case, they all speak to the question of Mr. McCartney’s credibility, which seemingly erodes the more he speaks.
It may be the case that, stung by questions of the democratic pedigree of his DNA, Mr. McCartney is retroactively seeking to baptize his self-creation as legitimate in the eyes of voters.
TROUBLING
His response to the NB 12 reporter once again reveals troubling character traits of someone selling himself as a future prime minister. If Mr. McCartney knowingly was untruthful, this may suggest a cavalier approach to the truth and the facts, which he may not want to get in the way of the story he is trying to weave about himself as change agent and savior of The Bahamas.
If the man who has narcissistically and alternatively cast himself as Barack Obama, a young Lynden Pindling and a young Hubert Ingraham, simply got his history wrong, his comparisons with these leaders is laughable at best.
The self-portrait Mr. McCartney has painted of himself through his lacklustre contributions to debates in the House of Assembly, glib remarks generally and his maiden speech at the launch of his DNA is not a pretty one. They show him to be incurious and shallow both intellectually and in terms of basic history.
The other compelling problem for the man who purports to be a committed democrat is that he has already exhibited the tendencies of the maximum leader of a party being created in his own image and likeness.
One should always watch how things begin. Having launched his vanity party the way he has, one can only imagine how Mr. McCartney might react in the unlikely event he should gain real power. Instead of endless public relations exercises and stunts, Mr. McCartney might want to open and finish a history book, not to mention a basic civics class.
Queried about the genesis of the DNA, Mr. McCartney says that 13 people got together and made him leader. If one closes one’s eyes, one can almost imagine the scene in an upper room somewhere. With a little more imagination one might imagine a beam of light from the heavens, green of course, descending on Mr. McCartney as the chosen one.
NO WAY
The manner and circumstances in which the DNA was formed can in no way be compared with the manner and circumstances in which the PLP and the FNM were formed. Branville McCartney broke with the FNM with the principal motivation being that he wanted to be leader and prime minister.
Neither the PLP nor the FNM was a vanity party founded by someone who wanted to be a leader or prime minister, who then decided to create a vehicle to achieve that objective, as has been the case with the DNA and most of the so-called third parties that have come and gone over the years.
The PLP came into being following discussions among a number of persons who felt that the time had come for the introduction of party politics to the country as a means of expressing the collective will of the Bahamian people.
Two founders of the PLP, Cyril Stevenson and William Cartwright, travelled to the United Kingdom and Jamaica to consult with officials of political parties in those countries about the structure of modern political parties.
When the party was formed in 1953, Henry M. Taylor, who was then a member of the House of Assembly, was elected chairman by the founders and in 1954 Mr. Taylor and other officers were ratified by the convention. The PLP did not have a party leader until after the 1956 general election.
In that election Sir Henry lost his seat but stayed on as chairman. Lynden O. Pindling was among six PLP members elected in 1956 and he was at that time chosen to be leader. Later on, Sir Lynden for a while held both positions of chairman and leader.
In the case of the FNM, the Dissident Eight in 1970 expressed in a parliamentary vote their loss of confidence in the Leader of the PLP Sir Lynden. They were, however, reluctant to make a final break with the party to which all of them had given so much. In fact, at first they called themselves the Free PLP.
It was only after they were suspended from the PLP that they set about the task of bringing all the opposition forces together under the umbrella of a new entity — the FNM. That process took months and when it was finalized Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, who was recognized as leader of the Dissidents, was elected leader by the FNM’s Central Council and later by the Convention.
PANDERING
Mr. McCartney is shaping up to be a demagogue pandering to the fears, anxieties and frustrations of voters, more of which in a subsequent column. Demagogues are often the antithesis of the things for which they claim to be fighting. Despite having named his vanity party democratic, the democratic legitimacy and credibility of the DNA is dubious.
The PLP and the FNM emerged much differently than the DNA. They also successfully came to office, an outcome that is highly unlikely to be the case for Mr. McCartney’s vanity affair.
Mr. McCartney should be chary of those who are now boosting him out of temporary grievances, or long-term dubious theories about the great rise of independents and third parties. While there are increasingly nonaligned voters, the idea that they will help a strong third party emerge as a powerbroker is wearisome and has proved consistently wrong.
In that year’s general election, there was talk by some that 1997 would be the year of the independents. Not only was 1997 not the year of the independents, but that year the FNM got its largest popular vote ever.
There is a stark difference between educated analysis based on history, and wishful thinking as a substitute for analysis. Mr. McCartney would do well to quickly learn some basic historical facts, which are essential in proffering reasonable historical analysis.
frontporchguardian@gmail.com
bahamapundit.com
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
By SIMON
FRONT PORCH
The press pass many journalists have generally given Branville McCartney is best understood with regard to the media’s perpetual hunt for ratings and sales, boredom and hunger for headlines, as well as its own ignorance of Bahamian history and often incurious nature.
But there is only so much of a pass the public can give the press in terms of the latter’s disregard for some of the basics of competent let alone good journalism. One story in particular from last week showcased the media’s laziness when it comes to providing the public with greater context.
In an interview for the NB 12 newscast, the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance claimed that his party started the same way as the PLP and FNM. Not only did the reporter fail to query such a bold claim during the interview, but there was also no post-interview fact-check of Mr. McCartney’s bogus claim.
There are various conclusions one may draw from Mr. McCartney’s bold and bogus claim. Either he was purposefully misleading the public or is stunningly ignorant of Bahamian political history — or both! Whatever the case, they all speak to the question of Mr. McCartney’s credibility, which seemingly erodes the more he speaks.
It may be the case that, stung by questions of the democratic pedigree of his DNA, Mr. McCartney is retroactively seeking to baptize his self-creation as legitimate in the eyes of voters.
TROUBLING
His response to the NB 12 reporter once again reveals troubling character traits of someone selling himself as a future prime minister. If Mr. McCartney knowingly was untruthful, this may suggest a cavalier approach to the truth and the facts, which he may not want to get in the way of the story he is trying to weave about himself as change agent and savior of The Bahamas.
If the man who has narcissistically and alternatively cast himself as Barack Obama, a young Lynden Pindling and a young Hubert Ingraham, simply got his history wrong, his comparisons with these leaders is laughable at best.
The self-portrait Mr. McCartney has painted of himself through his lacklustre contributions to debates in the House of Assembly, glib remarks generally and his maiden speech at the launch of his DNA is not a pretty one. They show him to be incurious and shallow both intellectually and in terms of basic history.
The other compelling problem for the man who purports to be a committed democrat is that he has already exhibited the tendencies of the maximum leader of a party being created in his own image and likeness.
One should always watch how things begin. Having launched his vanity party the way he has, one can only imagine how Mr. McCartney might react in the unlikely event he should gain real power. Instead of endless public relations exercises and stunts, Mr. McCartney might want to open and finish a history book, not to mention a basic civics class.
Queried about the genesis of the DNA, Mr. McCartney says that 13 people got together and made him leader. If one closes one’s eyes, one can almost imagine the scene in an upper room somewhere. With a little more imagination one might imagine a beam of light from the heavens, green of course, descending on Mr. McCartney as the chosen one.
NO WAY
The manner and circumstances in which the DNA was formed can in no way be compared with the manner and circumstances in which the PLP and the FNM were formed. Branville McCartney broke with the FNM with the principal motivation being that he wanted to be leader and prime minister.
Neither the PLP nor the FNM was a vanity party founded by someone who wanted to be a leader or prime minister, who then decided to create a vehicle to achieve that objective, as has been the case with the DNA and most of the so-called third parties that have come and gone over the years.
The PLP came into being following discussions among a number of persons who felt that the time had come for the introduction of party politics to the country as a means of expressing the collective will of the Bahamian people.
Two founders of the PLP, Cyril Stevenson and William Cartwright, travelled to the United Kingdom and Jamaica to consult with officials of political parties in those countries about the structure of modern political parties.
When the party was formed in 1953, Henry M. Taylor, who was then a member of the House of Assembly, was elected chairman by the founders and in 1954 Mr. Taylor and other officers were ratified by the convention. The PLP did not have a party leader until after the 1956 general election.
In that election Sir Henry lost his seat but stayed on as chairman. Lynden O. Pindling was among six PLP members elected in 1956 and he was at that time chosen to be leader. Later on, Sir Lynden for a while held both positions of chairman and leader.
In the case of the FNM, the Dissident Eight in 1970 expressed in a parliamentary vote their loss of confidence in the Leader of the PLP Sir Lynden. They were, however, reluctant to make a final break with the party to which all of them had given so much. In fact, at first they called themselves the Free PLP.
It was only after they were suspended from the PLP that they set about the task of bringing all the opposition forces together under the umbrella of a new entity — the FNM. That process took months and when it was finalized Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, who was recognized as leader of the Dissidents, was elected leader by the FNM’s Central Council and later by the Convention.
PANDERING
Mr. McCartney is shaping up to be a demagogue pandering to the fears, anxieties and frustrations of voters, more of which in a subsequent column. Demagogues are often the antithesis of the things for which they claim to be fighting. Despite having named his vanity party democratic, the democratic legitimacy and credibility of the DNA is dubious.
The PLP and the FNM emerged much differently than the DNA. They also successfully came to office, an outcome that is highly unlikely to be the case for Mr. McCartney’s vanity affair.
Mr. McCartney should be chary of those who are now boosting him out of temporary grievances, or long-term dubious theories about the great rise of independents and third parties. While there are increasingly nonaligned voters, the idea that they will help a strong third party emerge as a powerbroker is wearisome and has proved consistently wrong.
In that year’s general election, there was talk by some that 1997 would be the year of the independents. Not only was 1997 not the year of the independents, but that year the FNM got its largest popular vote ever.
There is a stark difference between educated analysis based on history, and wishful thinking as a substitute for analysis. Mr. McCartney would do well to quickly learn some basic historical facts, which are essential in proffering reasonable historical analysis.
frontporchguardian@gmail.com
bahamapundit.com
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
Whitney Bastian will run on the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) ticket for the South Andros constituency in the next general election
Whitney Bastian Joins DNA
BY KENDENO N. P. KNOWLES
jonesbahamas
A former independent candidate has announced that he will now join with the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) in its attempt to secure the government in the next general election.
Whitney Bastian told the Bahama Journal Tuesday that he will run on the party’s ticket for the South Andros constituency.
"I feel that the DNA and leader Branville McCartney are the best organisation I could align myself with this time around," Mr. Bastian said.
The political hopeful is no stranger to politics and served in the House of Assembly before as an independent Member of Parliament for South Andros.
However in 2007, Mr. Bastian lost his seat to Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) candidate Picewell Forbes.
When he was asked whether he would join any political party following his loss back in 2007, he insisted that he would run again as an independent.
But yesterday that seemed to have all changed with Mr. Bastian’s announcement that he will join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance.
Before DNA Leader Branville McCartney resigned from the Free National Movement (FNM), Mr. Bastian told the Journal that he was still prepared to run as an independent candidate in the upcoming general election.
Recently, Mr. Bastian expressed interest in running on the PLP’s ticket; however, he said, constant back and forth has created a strain in the relationship between him and the PLP.
According to Mr. Bastian, PLP Leader Perry Christie promised him the nomination for the South Andros constituency during the last PLP convention.
While that seat is currently held by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bastian insists that Mr. Christie was willing to give him the nomination.
It was an offer, he said, he could not accept right away. Instead, Mr. Bastian said he offered to help assist the PLP in reorganising the branches to get them up and running. This he said has happened in the space of the last year.
The branch elections have taken place and the new officers have vowed to support Mr. Bastian.
However, it’s been 10 months and the PLP National General Council has yet to announce elections for the South Andros nomination.
In fact, Mr. Bastian said a senior PLP official has since called and asked him to recommend a candidate and support the candidate the PLP chooses.
Mr. Bastian said he questioned the PLP as to why he was not good enough. He said the PLP informed him that there was still a lot of talk about him in the public domain.
This, he said, is what pushed him away from the PLP and closer to the DNA.
May 25th, 2011
jonesbahamas
BY KENDENO N. P. KNOWLES
jonesbahamas
A former independent candidate has announced that he will now join with the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) in its attempt to secure the government in the next general election.
Whitney Bastian told the Bahama Journal Tuesday that he will run on the party’s ticket for the South Andros constituency.
"I feel that the DNA and leader Branville McCartney are the best organisation I could align myself with this time around," Mr. Bastian said.
The political hopeful is no stranger to politics and served in the House of Assembly before as an independent Member of Parliament for South Andros.
However in 2007, Mr. Bastian lost his seat to Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) candidate Picewell Forbes.
When he was asked whether he would join any political party following his loss back in 2007, he insisted that he would run again as an independent.
But yesterday that seemed to have all changed with Mr. Bastian’s announcement that he will join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance.
Before DNA Leader Branville McCartney resigned from the Free National Movement (FNM), Mr. Bastian told the Journal that he was still prepared to run as an independent candidate in the upcoming general election.
Recently, Mr. Bastian expressed interest in running on the PLP’s ticket; however, he said, constant back and forth has created a strain in the relationship between him and the PLP.
According to Mr. Bastian, PLP Leader Perry Christie promised him the nomination for the South Andros constituency during the last PLP convention.
While that seat is currently held by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bastian insists that Mr. Christie was willing to give him the nomination.
It was an offer, he said, he could not accept right away. Instead, Mr. Bastian said he offered to help assist the PLP in reorganising the branches to get them up and running. This he said has happened in the space of the last year.
The branch elections have taken place and the new officers have vowed to support Mr. Bastian.
However, it’s been 10 months and the PLP National General Council has yet to announce elections for the South Andros nomination.
In fact, Mr. Bastian said a senior PLP official has since called and asked him to recommend a candidate and support the candidate the PLP chooses.
Mr. Bastian said he questioned the PLP as to why he was not good enough. He said the PLP informed him that there was still a lot of talk about him in the public domain.
This, he said, is what pushed him away from the PLP and closer to the DNA.
May 25th, 2011
jonesbahamas
Thursday, May 26, 2011
...no end is in sight to high crime rates in The Bahamas, said a United States Embassy in Nassau February 2009 confidential cable titled “Bahamas: Crime concerns simmer as economy softens”
'National anxiety' over crime travel advisory
By BRENT DEAN
Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
The United States Embassy in Nassau closely monitors the crime situation in The Bahamas, noting the potential for a “high-profile violent crime tragedy” and resultant media disaster as a result of the high rate of crime in the country. It is also very aware of the immense fear many Bahamians have of the issuance of a travel advisory by the U.S. government, according to several cables in the WikiLeaks cache obtained by The Nassau Guardian.
“Against the background of economic crisis, the crime numbers, trends, and daily headlines, as well as the expressions of concern about the state of society, all indicate that no end is in sight to high crime rates in The Bahamas,” said the February 2009 confidential cable titled, “Bahamas: Crime concerns simmer as economy softens”.
There have been three homicide records in The Bahamas the last four years, and in 2011 the country is on pace for a fourth such record in five years.
Over the last five years, armed robberies have trended up towards the highs of the mid-1990s. In the property crime category the 2010 police report reveals other disturbing trends. The 3,120 housebreakings recorded were the most in the country since 1998 (3,165).
The Free National Movement (FNM) administration has done much to try to fix the crime problem. Along with refurbishing the courts, there have been three commissioners of police, two chief justices, four attorneys general and two directors of public prosecutions during this term.
The government has also spent millions of dollars buying new equipment for police; it has introduced a plea bargaining system; it has amended the Juries Act reducing the number of jurors from 12 to nine in non-capital cases; and it has put in place an electronic monitoring system for accused offenders.
Despite all of these measures, the crime problem has not improved.
In the December 2007 unclassified/for official use only cable, ‘Bahamas grapples with sharp rise in violent crime’, the embassy noted that that Juries Act amendment alone, which was implemented before the other measures mentioned, would not fix the Bahamian crime problem.
“No recent initiative, including the Juries Act amendment, is likely to make an immediate impact on the crime rate as long as the criminal justice system effectively puts indicted criminals back on the street to commit more crimes,” said the cable.
“Without introducing specific measures to monitor suspected offenders out on bail, break the logjam in the courts, or increase or optimize space in the prison to keep violent offenders in and others out, the GCOB (Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas) is unlikely to make much progress in addressing the underlying causes of the latest ‘crime wave’ to shake The Bahamas.”
The government has increasingly made statements indicating that it is working to improve the prosecution system.
Recently, Attorney General John Delaney and Director of Public Prosecutions Vinette-Graham Allen held a news conference explaining that the establishment of a case management unit at their office is expected to result in significant improvements in the administration of justice.
Recent public focus on the crime problem in The Bahamas has shifted to the quality of cases being produced by police and the quality of prosecution by the AG’s Office.
In his new book, “Reducing Murders in The Bahamas: A strategic plan based on empirical research,” police researcher Sergeant Chaswell Hanna reveals that from 2005 to 2009 there were 349 murders recorded and only 10 murder convictions and eight manslaughter convictions.
The Americans realized, based on the cable, that as long as The Bahamas is unable to prosecute and convict those it suspects of committing crimes, the crime problem in the country will continue to worsen.
Effects of the crime problem
The cables reveal that the U.S. does not think The Bahamas is that safe a place.
In a February 2006 unclassified cable, “Country Clearance: For consular management assistance team (CMAT) visit,” the embassy advised its visiting team to be careful in this country.
“Threat analysis: The threat against Americans from political activity is considered low. The threat from criminal elements is high. Incidents of violent crime have risen significantly in The Bahamas during the past few years,” said the cable.
“Travelers should use caution and common sense when moving about the island of New Providence. Visitors should travel in pairs, avoid areas prone to higher crime such as the Over-the-Hill area, and avoid isolated, deserted and/or poorly illuminated areas.”
In a January 2006 unclassified/for official use only cable, the embassy again expressed concern for the safety of its citizens in The Bahamas.
“During Spring Break, sexual assaults against American tourists are extremely high,” said the cable, which added that its Regional Security Office has also stressed the growing pattern of violence to embassy personnel, reminding employees to always be vigilant about their surroundings.
The fear of the American response
There have been several high profile criminal acts in New Providence in recent years, in tourism areas, which have alarmed Bahamians.
The November 2009 robbery of a group of tourists on tour at Earth Village; Sunday’s armed robbery at John Bull in the middle of Downtown Nassau; and the January 2008 murder of teenager Deangelo Cargill at a bus stop, also in Downtown Nassau, are some of the events in such areas that attracted national attention.
Referring to the 2008 Cargill murder, the embassy said in a cable that January, “How the government meets the crime challenge will play an increasingly decisive role in how the public perceives its overall effectiveness.
“This event has brought home to the Cabinet that it has no higher priority than beating back the surge in crime before the violence begins to impact The Bahamas' tourism-dependent economy.”
In these cables on crime the Americans do not seem to be near to taking a decision to publicly intervene and apply full pressure on the Bahamian government to accelerate worthwhile reforms to the local criminal justice system.
The U.S. already assists The Bahamas in significant ways regarding law enforcement — most noticeably through funding and manpower via Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos Islands.
The U.S. does understand, however, that Bahamians have an extreme fear of the issuance of a travel advisory informing Americans that The Bahamas is not a place they should travel to.
In that same 2008 cable after the murder of Cargill, listed as unclassified/for official use only, the embassy described the fear of such an advisory as a “national anxiety.”
“The downtown killing at the peak of the afternoon rush hour prompted renewed concern in the public and press about the potential issuance of a travel advisory or warning by the U.S. Embassy — an almost compulsive anxiety within the tourist-dependent island,” said the cable.
“In fact, the media have speculated for months, as the murder tally rose, over such an announcement and its potential negative effects on the all-important tourism sector, which forms the backbone of the economy in Nassau and The Bahamas.”
The embassy noted that officials had to make public statements indicating that no such advisory was imminent. Public consular information is already available for Americans advising them of safety issues in The Bahamas.
The realization by the Americans of this Bahamian fear likely means that if The Bahamas was to become uncooperative, as it was during the ‘drug days’ of the 1970s and 1980s, the use of this punishment would at the least get the attention of the leaders of the country.
5/25/2011
thenassauguardian
By BRENT DEAN
Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
The United States Embassy in Nassau closely monitors the crime situation in The Bahamas, noting the potential for a “high-profile violent crime tragedy” and resultant media disaster as a result of the high rate of crime in the country. It is also very aware of the immense fear many Bahamians have of the issuance of a travel advisory by the U.S. government, according to several cables in the WikiLeaks cache obtained by The Nassau Guardian.
“Against the background of economic crisis, the crime numbers, trends, and daily headlines, as well as the expressions of concern about the state of society, all indicate that no end is in sight to high crime rates in The Bahamas,” said the February 2009 confidential cable titled, “Bahamas: Crime concerns simmer as economy softens”.
There have been three homicide records in The Bahamas the last four years, and in 2011 the country is on pace for a fourth such record in five years.
Over the last five years, armed robberies have trended up towards the highs of the mid-1990s. In the property crime category the 2010 police report reveals other disturbing trends. The 3,120 housebreakings recorded were the most in the country since 1998 (3,165).
The Free National Movement (FNM) administration has done much to try to fix the crime problem. Along with refurbishing the courts, there have been three commissioners of police, two chief justices, four attorneys general and two directors of public prosecutions during this term.
The government has also spent millions of dollars buying new equipment for police; it has introduced a plea bargaining system; it has amended the Juries Act reducing the number of jurors from 12 to nine in non-capital cases; and it has put in place an electronic monitoring system for accused offenders.
Despite all of these measures, the crime problem has not improved.
In the December 2007 unclassified/for official use only cable, ‘Bahamas grapples with sharp rise in violent crime’, the embassy noted that that Juries Act amendment alone, which was implemented before the other measures mentioned, would not fix the Bahamian crime problem.
“No recent initiative, including the Juries Act amendment, is likely to make an immediate impact on the crime rate as long as the criminal justice system effectively puts indicted criminals back on the street to commit more crimes,” said the cable.
“Without introducing specific measures to monitor suspected offenders out on bail, break the logjam in the courts, or increase or optimize space in the prison to keep violent offenders in and others out, the GCOB (Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas) is unlikely to make much progress in addressing the underlying causes of the latest ‘crime wave’ to shake The Bahamas.”
The government has increasingly made statements indicating that it is working to improve the prosecution system.
Recently, Attorney General John Delaney and Director of Public Prosecutions Vinette-Graham Allen held a news conference explaining that the establishment of a case management unit at their office is expected to result in significant improvements in the administration of justice.
Recent public focus on the crime problem in The Bahamas has shifted to the quality of cases being produced by police and the quality of prosecution by the AG’s Office.
In his new book, “Reducing Murders in The Bahamas: A strategic plan based on empirical research,” police researcher Sergeant Chaswell Hanna reveals that from 2005 to 2009 there were 349 murders recorded and only 10 murder convictions and eight manslaughter convictions.
The Americans realized, based on the cable, that as long as The Bahamas is unable to prosecute and convict those it suspects of committing crimes, the crime problem in the country will continue to worsen.
Effects of the crime problem
The cables reveal that the U.S. does not think The Bahamas is that safe a place.
In a February 2006 unclassified cable, “Country Clearance: For consular management assistance team (CMAT) visit,” the embassy advised its visiting team to be careful in this country.
“Threat analysis: The threat against Americans from political activity is considered low. The threat from criminal elements is high. Incidents of violent crime have risen significantly in The Bahamas during the past few years,” said the cable.
“Travelers should use caution and common sense when moving about the island of New Providence. Visitors should travel in pairs, avoid areas prone to higher crime such as the Over-the-Hill area, and avoid isolated, deserted and/or poorly illuminated areas.”
In a January 2006 unclassified/for official use only cable, the embassy again expressed concern for the safety of its citizens in The Bahamas.
“During Spring Break, sexual assaults against American tourists are extremely high,” said the cable, which added that its Regional Security Office has also stressed the growing pattern of violence to embassy personnel, reminding employees to always be vigilant about their surroundings.
The fear of the American response
There have been several high profile criminal acts in New Providence in recent years, in tourism areas, which have alarmed Bahamians.
The November 2009 robbery of a group of tourists on tour at Earth Village; Sunday’s armed robbery at John Bull in the middle of Downtown Nassau; and the January 2008 murder of teenager Deangelo Cargill at a bus stop, also in Downtown Nassau, are some of the events in such areas that attracted national attention.
Referring to the 2008 Cargill murder, the embassy said in a cable that January, “How the government meets the crime challenge will play an increasingly decisive role in how the public perceives its overall effectiveness.
“This event has brought home to the Cabinet that it has no higher priority than beating back the surge in crime before the violence begins to impact The Bahamas' tourism-dependent economy.”
In these cables on crime the Americans do not seem to be near to taking a decision to publicly intervene and apply full pressure on the Bahamian government to accelerate worthwhile reforms to the local criminal justice system.
The U.S. already assists The Bahamas in significant ways regarding law enforcement — most noticeably through funding and manpower via Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos Islands.
The U.S. does understand, however, that Bahamians have an extreme fear of the issuance of a travel advisory informing Americans that The Bahamas is not a place they should travel to.
In that same 2008 cable after the murder of Cargill, listed as unclassified/for official use only, the embassy described the fear of such an advisory as a “national anxiety.”
“The downtown killing at the peak of the afternoon rush hour prompted renewed concern in the public and press about the potential issuance of a travel advisory or warning by the U.S. Embassy — an almost compulsive anxiety within the tourist-dependent island,” said the cable.
“In fact, the media have speculated for months, as the murder tally rose, over such an announcement and its potential negative effects on the all-important tourism sector, which forms the backbone of the economy in Nassau and The Bahamas.”
The embassy noted that officials had to make public statements indicating that no such advisory was imminent. Public consular information is already available for Americans advising them of safety issues in The Bahamas.
The realization by the Americans of this Bahamian fear likely means that if The Bahamas was to become uncooperative, as it was during the ‘drug days’ of the 1970s and 1980s, the use of this punishment would at the least get the attention of the leaders of the country.
5/25/2011
thenassauguardian
Wednesday, May 25, 2011
Cassius Stuart likened Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham to Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe and former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide - when he met with a U.S. Embassy official in Nassau - according to diplomatic cables
Stuart compared PM to dictator
By CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com
Cables reveal former BDM leader's statements to Americans
When Cassius Stuart met with a U.S. Embassy official before the Elizabeth by-election last year, he claimed he had been approached by Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) leader Perry Christie “who said he was looking for someone to mold to eventually take over the leadership of the PLP.” Stuart also likened Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham to Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe, according to one of the diplomatic cables The Nassau Guardian obtained through the whistle-blowing non-profit organization WikiLeaks.
Now a member of the Free National Movement (FNM), Stuart was leader of the Bahamas Democratic Movement (BDM) at the time.
The cable said Stuart also likened Ingraham to former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and said the PM was “letting the country go to hell and allowing it to be bought by China”.
But a lot has changed since the by-election and Stuart’s meetings with the American diplomats.
He joined the FNM in April this year, acknowledging at the time that the move was a good one for the members of the BDM because the FNM’s ideals matched theirs.
“My message over the past decade has been adding value to the lives of every Bahamian,” Stuart said at a press conference to announce the BDM members’ decision to join the FNM.
“Moving forward, the prime minister has assured us that the next years will be just that, building lives.”
According to the cable, Stuart had been highly critical of FNM policies, which he said caused the country to be in such a position that it could “easily become another Haiti”.
He told the embassy official that the United States had a stake in not allowing this to happen because “you don’t want boat loads of Bahamians to begin arriving on your shores.”
He also raised what he characterized as “significant concerns” about the Government of The Bahamas being courted by the People’s Republic of China.
According to the cable, Stuart told the American diplomat the country’s education system was “randomly drifting…We’re stuck on a treadmill and we’re moving backwards.”
Regarding the purported offer by Christie, Stuart said he told the PLP leader he could not align himself with either of the major parties because of the endemic corruption in both, according to the cable.
Stuart said the only defining line in the February 2010 Elizabeth by-election between the BDM and the other two major political parties was resources, the cable said.
He said if he could raise $250,000 he would win the election, noting that he needed to get free T-shirts out into the community.
The Nassau Guardian contacted Stuart yesterday about the information contained in the diplomatic documents. He seemed surprised when told what was attributed to him, but did not deny the comments.
Asked whether it is still his view that corruption is endemic in the FNM, he explained that he had not referred specifically to the party, but was suggesting that because corruption is widespread in certain agencies of the country, as the government the FNM needed to take the blame.
Stuart was also asked about his comment, which suggested that Christie wanted to groom him to take over the leadership of the PLP.
“I think they (the Americans) took it a little out of context. He (Christie) said he wanted to court someone to take over the party,” the former BDM leader explained.
“It wasn’t necessarily me.”
Regarding his reported Mugabe comment, Stuart said, “I can’t definitively remember the conversation, but I do remember we were talking about leaders who served a long time and at that time Mugabe was headline news as a leader of his country for a long time and in that context we were talking.”
Asked about his overall impressions of what the Americans recorded from their conversations with him, Stuart said, “It’s interesting. I think they have a responsibility to communicate their findings within a society to their government. This whole leaking of secret cable information, it’s an issue that needs to be addressed.
“It’s interesting that everything that comes out of your mouth is recorded. You have to be very careful what you say. We had casual conversations on many occasions…I didn’t realize that this information was being highly documented for the president of the United States.”
ELIZABETH BY-ELECTION
The Elizabeth by-election cable noted that the election could very well be a bellwether for the next general election.
The cable also details the resignation of Malcolm Adderley (former Elizabeth MP) from the PLP and the House of Assembly.
It noted that Christie accused the FNM government of undermining democracy by offering Adderley a Supreme Court position, which he thinks necessitated Adderley’s resignation.
But there was never any evidence of this.
The cable pointed out that PLP chairman Bradley Roberts remarked that both Adderley and former PLP Kenyatta Gibson (MP for Kennedy) were trying to destabilize the party.
Stuart ended up receiving fewer than 100 votes in the election, which was won by the PLP’s Ryan Pinder.
The cable points out that Pinder at the time had “strong ties to the U.S.”.
“Pinder was a dual Bahamian-U.S. citizen but renounced his citizenship on January 19 (2010) after bowing to pressure from his own party,” the cable said.
At the time, the U.S. embassy official wrote: “Pinder is noticeably one of the few white members of his party and the role that his race will play in garnering grassroots PLP support for him as a candidate remains to be seen.”
The embassy official also wrote that despite the fact that Pinder is a white member of an overwhelmingly black party, one contact said the constituency is so heavily rooted in the PLP the party “could nominate a puppy and it would be elected”.
In the cable, the diplomat reports in detail about what speakers at a PLP rally had to say on January 19, 2010.
The cable noted that the focus of many of the speakers was Ingraham’s decision to grant temporary protective status to illegal Haitian detainees in the wake of the Haiti earthquake.
“While not directly criticizing the decision, the PLP said they were not consulted and argued that the move was designed to ‘cause strife and separation’,” noted the cable.
In referring to the FNM’s candidate, Dr. Duane Sands, the diplomat noted that he is a cousin of National Security Minister Tommy Turnquest and a prominent heart surgeon.
The diplomat wrote, “Sands has been difficult for the PLP to criticize because he is well-respected in the community. Therefore, the focus has been on aligning him with the policies of PM Ingraham.”
The American diplomat wrote that while media reports were generally predicting a PLP victory, many articles indicated that Elizabeth residents were open to a third party candidate and were “sick of both parties”.
“Some of the third party candidates have called for campaign finance reform in the run up to the election, an acknowledgement of the view that whoever spends the most will win,” noted the cable.
The diplomat also wrote: “The opposition party PLP is likely to win what promises to be a close election, which would boost their chances in the national elections.
“Despite favorable media attention for third party candidates, this race is strictly a PLP and FNM affair. A poor economy and increasing crime play favorably for the PLP.
“However, bolstering the position of the FNM was the poor performance and lack of resources that the previous PLP candidate (Malcolm Adderley) was able to bring to the constituency.
“Although no one has publicly questioned Pinder’s race, privately, contacts admit it could be a significant factor. The key will be the amount of resources each party is able to spend on the election.”
Several weeks after the election, the Election Court declared Pinder the winner of the race after allowing his challenged votes.
5/25/2011
thenassauguardian
By CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com
Cables reveal former BDM leader's statements to Americans
When Cassius Stuart met with a U.S. Embassy official before the Elizabeth by-election last year, he claimed he had been approached by Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) leader Perry Christie “who said he was looking for someone to mold to eventually take over the leadership of the PLP.” Stuart also likened Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham to Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe, according to one of the diplomatic cables The Nassau Guardian obtained through the whistle-blowing non-profit organization WikiLeaks.
Now a member of the Free National Movement (FNM), Stuart was leader of the Bahamas Democratic Movement (BDM) at the time.
The cable said Stuart also likened Ingraham to former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and said the PM was “letting the country go to hell and allowing it to be bought by China”.
But a lot has changed since the by-election and Stuart’s meetings with the American diplomats.
He joined the FNM in April this year, acknowledging at the time that the move was a good one for the members of the BDM because the FNM’s ideals matched theirs.
“My message over the past decade has been adding value to the lives of every Bahamian,” Stuart said at a press conference to announce the BDM members’ decision to join the FNM.
“Moving forward, the prime minister has assured us that the next years will be just that, building lives.”
According to the cable, Stuart had been highly critical of FNM policies, which he said caused the country to be in such a position that it could “easily become another Haiti”.
He told the embassy official that the United States had a stake in not allowing this to happen because “you don’t want boat loads of Bahamians to begin arriving on your shores.”
He also raised what he characterized as “significant concerns” about the Government of The Bahamas being courted by the People’s Republic of China.
According to the cable, Stuart told the American diplomat the country’s education system was “randomly drifting…We’re stuck on a treadmill and we’re moving backwards.”
Regarding the purported offer by Christie, Stuart said he told the PLP leader he could not align himself with either of the major parties because of the endemic corruption in both, according to the cable.
Stuart said the only defining line in the February 2010 Elizabeth by-election between the BDM and the other two major political parties was resources, the cable said.
He said if he could raise $250,000 he would win the election, noting that he needed to get free T-shirts out into the community.
The Nassau Guardian contacted Stuart yesterday about the information contained in the diplomatic documents. He seemed surprised when told what was attributed to him, but did not deny the comments.
Asked whether it is still his view that corruption is endemic in the FNM, he explained that he had not referred specifically to the party, but was suggesting that because corruption is widespread in certain agencies of the country, as the government the FNM needed to take the blame.
Stuart was also asked about his comment, which suggested that Christie wanted to groom him to take over the leadership of the PLP.
“I think they (the Americans) took it a little out of context. He (Christie) said he wanted to court someone to take over the party,” the former BDM leader explained.
“It wasn’t necessarily me.”
Regarding his reported Mugabe comment, Stuart said, “I can’t definitively remember the conversation, but I do remember we were talking about leaders who served a long time and at that time Mugabe was headline news as a leader of his country for a long time and in that context we were talking.”
Asked about his overall impressions of what the Americans recorded from their conversations with him, Stuart said, “It’s interesting. I think they have a responsibility to communicate their findings within a society to their government. This whole leaking of secret cable information, it’s an issue that needs to be addressed.
“It’s interesting that everything that comes out of your mouth is recorded. You have to be very careful what you say. We had casual conversations on many occasions…I didn’t realize that this information was being highly documented for the president of the United States.”
ELIZABETH BY-ELECTION
The Elizabeth by-election cable noted that the election could very well be a bellwether for the next general election.
The cable also details the resignation of Malcolm Adderley (former Elizabeth MP) from the PLP and the House of Assembly.
It noted that Christie accused the FNM government of undermining democracy by offering Adderley a Supreme Court position, which he thinks necessitated Adderley’s resignation.
But there was never any evidence of this.
The cable pointed out that PLP chairman Bradley Roberts remarked that both Adderley and former PLP Kenyatta Gibson (MP for Kennedy) were trying to destabilize the party.
Stuart ended up receiving fewer than 100 votes in the election, which was won by the PLP’s Ryan Pinder.
The cable points out that Pinder at the time had “strong ties to the U.S.”.
“Pinder was a dual Bahamian-U.S. citizen but renounced his citizenship on January 19 (2010) after bowing to pressure from his own party,” the cable said.
At the time, the U.S. embassy official wrote: “Pinder is noticeably one of the few white members of his party and the role that his race will play in garnering grassroots PLP support for him as a candidate remains to be seen.”
The embassy official also wrote that despite the fact that Pinder is a white member of an overwhelmingly black party, one contact said the constituency is so heavily rooted in the PLP the party “could nominate a puppy and it would be elected”.
In the cable, the diplomat reports in detail about what speakers at a PLP rally had to say on January 19, 2010.
The cable noted that the focus of many of the speakers was Ingraham’s decision to grant temporary protective status to illegal Haitian detainees in the wake of the Haiti earthquake.
“While not directly criticizing the decision, the PLP said they were not consulted and argued that the move was designed to ‘cause strife and separation’,” noted the cable.
In referring to the FNM’s candidate, Dr. Duane Sands, the diplomat noted that he is a cousin of National Security Minister Tommy Turnquest and a prominent heart surgeon.
The diplomat wrote, “Sands has been difficult for the PLP to criticize because he is well-respected in the community. Therefore, the focus has been on aligning him with the policies of PM Ingraham.”
The American diplomat wrote that while media reports were generally predicting a PLP victory, many articles indicated that Elizabeth residents were open to a third party candidate and were “sick of both parties”.
“Some of the third party candidates have called for campaign finance reform in the run up to the election, an acknowledgement of the view that whoever spends the most will win,” noted the cable.
The diplomat also wrote: “The opposition party PLP is likely to win what promises to be a close election, which would boost their chances in the national elections.
“Despite favorable media attention for third party candidates, this race is strictly a PLP and FNM affair. A poor economy and increasing crime play favorably for the PLP.
“However, bolstering the position of the FNM was the poor performance and lack of resources that the previous PLP candidate (Malcolm Adderley) was able to bring to the constituency.
“Although no one has publicly questioned Pinder’s race, privately, contacts admit it could be a significant factor. The key will be the amount of resources each party is able to spend on the election.”
Several weeks after the election, the Election Court declared Pinder the winner of the race after allowing his challenged votes.
5/25/2011
thenassauguardian
There are no campaign finance laws in The Bahamas, so Bahamian political parties do not have to disclose who finances their operations
Cables reveal discussions of money in elections
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
A senior member of the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) disclosed that his party spent around $7 million on the 2002 general election campaign, and a senior member of the Free National Movement (FNM) revealed that his party would need to spend between $150,000 and $250,000 on a potential by-election in the then Holy Cross constituency, according to diplomatic cables obtained by The Nassau Guardian through WikiLeaks.
There are no campaign finance laws in The Bahamas and the two main political parties do not disclose who finances their operations.
According to a 2003 confidential cable by the United States Embassy in Nassau, former PLP MP and businessman Frankie Wilson told embassy officials that the PLP spent approximately $7 million on the 2002 campaign. In a note in the cable, the embassy said the FNM claims to have spent about $4 million on that campaign.
The embassy did not cite its source for the FNM figure. However, the embassy did note that, “neither (party) is required to provide any accounting for campaign contributions or expenditures, so both figures are suspect.”
The U.S. said that though Wilson disclosed the figure during the meeting in May 2003, “he did not elaborate on where all this money came from.”
Because money donated in The Bahamas to political parties is donated with the understanding that the donors’ identities will not be publicly disclosed, political parties are under an ‘unofficial obligation’ to keep the sources of party financing secret.
The PLP has historically lingered behind the FNM when it comes to party financing. The party has admitted this publicly.
The FNM was formed from an amalgamation of disaffected PLPs in the late 1960s and early 1970s and the remnants of the old United Bahamian Party, including many of the old white merchant elite. The consistency of support from the old white merchant class has provided the FNM a base of financial stability the PLP has not really had.
Coming out of the 2002 general election when the PLP won 29 seats and the FNM won 7 seats – four independents were elected – the PLP was confident that it would win the next general election.
“Wilson confidently predicted the PLP would win the election again in 2007, and dismissed the FNM as disorganized and poorly led,” he said of the FNM under the leadership of then Senator Tommy Turnquest according to the cable.
“He also said that for the first time in 2002, the PLP was competitive in terms of campaign financing.”
The potential Holy Cross by-election
In a confidential May 2004 cable, Turnquest talked party financing during a meeting with U.S. officials.
This meeting took place in the wake of the bankruptcy order issued by then Supreme Court Justice Jeanne Thompson in March 2004 against the then PLP MP for Holy Cross, Sidney Stubbs.
Bankrupt individuals are not eligible to sit in Parliament. If the court order had stood, Stubbs would have had to vacate the seat and a by-election would have been called.
“Turnquest estimated that the FNM would spend between $150,000 – $250,000 on the election, should it take place,” according to the cable.
The Americans said they asked Turnquest how he could possibly spend that much money on so few voters and, according to the cable, he replied that Bahamians like free paraphernalia.
If the $150,000 to $250,000 figure is multiplied out through 40 constituencies – the number of constituencies in the 2002 general election – the FNM would spend between $6 million and $10 million on a campaign.
Turnquest offered further insight into the thinking of the FNM around the potential by-election. The cable depicts a FNM leader who was not confident that his party could win the seat against the sitting government.
“Turnquest indicated that he has no plans to run for this seat, but fully supports ‘his close friend’, Carl Bethel, to represent the FNM. Turnquest estimated the FNM's chances of winning the seat at 50/50,” according to the embassy in the cable.
“Claiming that the sitting government had tremendous resources – public works projects and jobs – to bring to bear in the campaign, Turnquest sniped that were the PLP government not so weak its odds of retaining the seat would be 70 to 30.”
The cable also revealed that Turnquest thought that such a by-election would have been a war.
“The election, predicted Turnquest, would be costly for both parties as each would pour resources into it, his FNM to embarrass the government, the PLP to avoid an embarrassing defeat,” the embassy said in the cable.
“Each of the voters in the constituency would be personally contacted and both parties would hold almost nightly (and expensive) rallies. As many as 40 to 80 campaign workers would be brought in by each party for the campaign.”
A politically savvy Turnquest, however, realized that it should not be assumed that a by-election would happen.
“Turnquest expressed some doubt that the election would even be called, pointing out that Stubbs could avoid resignation if his attorneys succeed in overturning the court's bankruptcy finding,” according to the cable.
Turnquest assumed correctly. In May 2005, Her Majesty’s Privy Council ruled that the Court of Appeal erred when it determined that it did not have jurisdiction to hear the appeal of Stubbs against his bankruptcy order issued by the Supreme Court.
The order of bankruptcy was set aside allowing Stubbs to take his seat in Parliament.
Turnquest also discussed with the Americans the potential of a by-election in the PLP stronghold of St. Cecilia, which was and still is held by Cynthia Pratt, according to the cable.
Pratt stepped down as PLP deputy leader in 2009, but there was speculation long before she made the move that she would leave front-line politics. In 2004, Turnquest understood that St. Cecilia was a lost cause for the FNM.
“Turnquest hinted that the odds of FNM victory in the PLP stronghold of St. Cecilia were so slim that his party might not even contest the election,” said the embassy if such a by-election were to take place.
The Americans attempted to decipher what the issues of relevance would be in a potential Holy Cross by-election.
“Asked about the issues likely to dominate the campaign, Turnquest acknowledged that the FNM had hired a marketing company to conduct polls during the general election – although the results were closely held within the party leadership – and that he had lately been commissioning focus groups to probe public opinion,” according to the cable.
“Turnquest said that he had personally attended quite a few of these focus groups.”
Looking at the Bahamian election process in 2004, the Americans remarked in the cable, “As expensive as Bahamian elections have become, they remain relatively unsophisticated.”
They said that Turnquest's belief that he can sit in on focus groups probing his character and image without biasing the results reflects the relative naivety with which Bahamian politicians in general approach survey research.
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
A senior member of the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) disclosed that his party spent around $7 million on the 2002 general election campaign, and a senior member of the Free National Movement (FNM) revealed that his party would need to spend between $150,000 and $250,000 on a potential by-election in the then Holy Cross constituency, according to diplomatic cables obtained by The Nassau Guardian through WikiLeaks.
There are no campaign finance laws in The Bahamas and the two main political parties do not disclose who finances their operations.
According to a 2003 confidential cable by the United States Embassy in Nassau, former PLP MP and businessman Frankie Wilson told embassy officials that the PLP spent approximately $7 million on the 2002 campaign. In a note in the cable, the embassy said the FNM claims to have spent about $4 million on that campaign.
The embassy did not cite its source for the FNM figure. However, the embassy did note that, “neither (party) is required to provide any accounting for campaign contributions or expenditures, so both figures are suspect.”
The U.S. said that though Wilson disclosed the figure during the meeting in May 2003, “he did not elaborate on where all this money came from.”
Because money donated in The Bahamas to political parties is donated with the understanding that the donors’ identities will not be publicly disclosed, political parties are under an ‘unofficial obligation’ to keep the sources of party financing secret.
The PLP has historically lingered behind the FNM when it comes to party financing. The party has admitted this publicly.
The FNM was formed from an amalgamation of disaffected PLPs in the late 1960s and early 1970s and the remnants of the old United Bahamian Party, including many of the old white merchant elite. The consistency of support from the old white merchant class has provided the FNM a base of financial stability the PLP has not really had.
Coming out of the 2002 general election when the PLP won 29 seats and the FNM won 7 seats – four independents were elected – the PLP was confident that it would win the next general election.
“Wilson confidently predicted the PLP would win the election again in 2007, and dismissed the FNM as disorganized and poorly led,” he said of the FNM under the leadership of then Senator Tommy Turnquest according to the cable.
“He also said that for the first time in 2002, the PLP was competitive in terms of campaign financing.”
The potential Holy Cross by-election
In a confidential May 2004 cable, Turnquest talked party financing during a meeting with U.S. officials.
This meeting took place in the wake of the bankruptcy order issued by then Supreme Court Justice Jeanne Thompson in March 2004 against the then PLP MP for Holy Cross, Sidney Stubbs.
Bankrupt individuals are not eligible to sit in Parliament. If the court order had stood, Stubbs would have had to vacate the seat and a by-election would have been called.
“Turnquest estimated that the FNM would spend between $150,000 – $250,000 on the election, should it take place,” according to the cable.
The Americans said they asked Turnquest how he could possibly spend that much money on so few voters and, according to the cable, he replied that Bahamians like free paraphernalia.
If the $150,000 to $250,000 figure is multiplied out through 40 constituencies – the number of constituencies in the 2002 general election – the FNM would spend between $6 million and $10 million on a campaign.
Turnquest offered further insight into the thinking of the FNM around the potential by-election. The cable depicts a FNM leader who was not confident that his party could win the seat against the sitting government.
“Turnquest indicated that he has no plans to run for this seat, but fully supports ‘his close friend’, Carl Bethel, to represent the FNM. Turnquest estimated the FNM's chances of winning the seat at 50/50,” according to the embassy in the cable.
“Claiming that the sitting government had tremendous resources – public works projects and jobs – to bring to bear in the campaign, Turnquest sniped that were the PLP government not so weak its odds of retaining the seat would be 70 to 30.”
The cable also revealed that Turnquest thought that such a by-election would have been a war.
“The election, predicted Turnquest, would be costly for both parties as each would pour resources into it, his FNM to embarrass the government, the PLP to avoid an embarrassing defeat,” the embassy said in the cable.
“Each of the voters in the constituency would be personally contacted and both parties would hold almost nightly (and expensive) rallies. As many as 40 to 80 campaign workers would be brought in by each party for the campaign.”
A politically savvy Turnquest, however, realized that it should not be assumed that a by-election would happen.
“Turnquest expressed some doubt that the election would even be called, pointing out that Stubbs could avoid resignation if his attorneys succeed in overturning the court's bankruptcy finding,” according to the cable.
Turnquest assumed correctly. In May 2005, Her Majesty’s Privy Council ruled that the Court of Appeal erred when it determined that it did not have jurisdiction to hear the appeal of Stubbs against his bankruptcy order issued by the Supreme Court.
The order of bankruptcy was set aside allowing Stubbs to take his seat in Parliament.
Turnquest also discussed with the Americans the potential of a by-election in the PLP stronghold of St. Cecilia, which was and still is held by Cynthia Pratt, according to the cable.
Pratt stepped down as PLP deputy leader in 2009, but there was speculation long before she made the move that she would leave front-line politics. In 2004, Turnquest understood that St. Cecilia was a lost cause for the FNM.
“Turnquest hinted that the odds of FNM victory in the PLP stronghold of St. Cecilia were so slim that his party might not even contest the election,” said the embassy if such a by-election were to take place.
The Americans attempted to decipher what the issues of relevance would be in a potential Holy Cross by-election.
“Asked about the issues likely to dominate the campaign, Turnquest acknowledged that the FNM had hired a marketing company to conduct polls during the general election – although the results were closely held within the party leadership – and that he had lately been commissioning focus groups to probe public opinion,” according to the cable.
“Turnquest said that he had personally attended quite a few of these focus groups.”
Looking at the Bahamian election process in 2004, the Americans remarked in the cable, “As expensive as Bahamian elections have become, they remain relatively unsophisticated.”
They said that Turnquest's belief that he can sit in on focus groups probing his character and image without biasing the results reflects the relative naivety with which Bahamian politicians in general approach survey research.
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
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