Anglican Minister Has Say On Gambling Legislation
A pastoral letter to the Anglican family and the wider community on the subject of the proposed legalisation of the “numbers business” in The Bahamas.
A political blog about Bahamian politics in The Bahamas, Bahamian Politicans - and the entire Bahamas political lot. Bahamian Blogger Dennis Dames keeps you updated on the political news and views throughout the islands of The Bahamas without fear or favor. Bahamian Politicians and the Bahamian Political Arena: Updates one Post at a time on Bahamas Politics and Bahamas Politicans; and their local, regional and international policies and perspectives.
Flip-flopping Christie flips and flops – again!
Front Porch
By Simon
In the embarrassing climb-down that is his most recent flip-flop on gambling, the prime minister desperately sought to make a virtue out of his incompetence and bungling, and that his government likely lacked the legal authority to proceed with a vote that it probably would have lost: “I am a prime minister who listens. And in listening to the still evolving public discourse on the forthcoming referendum it has become clear to me that more time is needed before the Bahamian people are called upon to vote.
“I am supported in this view by the leadership of a broad cross-section of the national community with whom I have been consulting over the past few days.”
That Perry Christie believes that voters are gullible enough to believe such balderdash speaks to his contempt for the common sense of those who see through the farce he is attempting to perpetuate in this whole numbers business. His attempt to describe his latest flip-flop as listening must be an inside joke.
There are reports of private polling to gauge whether the December 3 poll should have been postponed. One wonders whether this figured into its postponement.
Christie may have been listening, but was it mostly to narrow interests who may funnel campaign contributions to his party, as well as those who gave him stunningly poor advice?
Confusing
If he had indeed listened carefully to a broader cross-section of voices earlier rather than to the drumbeat of his puffed-up hubris and self-serving backers he would not be in this utterly confusing mess of which he is the lead author, though his Cabinet bears collective responsibility for the debacle.
Despite Christie’s involvement in public life for nearly four decades this has been one of the most disastrous performances – at the nexus of policy and politics – by any prime minister in an independent Bahamas.
Christie’s newfound listening posture is not the sign of able leadership that he pretends. Instead, by failing to adequately consult beforehand, he failed some of the most basic tests of leadership.
His so-called listening reminds one of a toddler who, after burning his finger on the stove for the umpteenth time, stops for the moment, then brags to his mom about how well he’s listening to her advice to stay away from the stove.
There is a back story to this debacle to which Christie alluded in Parliament. Rattled by Long Island MP Loretta Butler Turner in the House, Christie recited the PLP’s three election wins from the Elizabeth by-election, nearly three years ago, to that of North Abaco, as if to say, how dear you challenge me.
That his party failed to win a majority of the popular vote on May 7 – in part because of his leadership deficits and previous failures as prime minister – has not engendered in him any humility. Christie’s arrogance is surreal.
It’s the same cloud nine he has been on since May 7, indicative of his narcissistic claim of divine provenance for his prime ministership: “... But God has spoken. God has made me the prime minister of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas.”
Often, narcissism’s fraternal twin is megalomania, a “condition characterized by delusional fantasies of ... omnipotence”, and “by an inflated sense of self-esteem and overestimation by persons of their powers.”
Debacle
Christie’s web cafe debacle was conceived in hubris and megalomania, nurtured in sheer incompetence and foisted on the Bahamian people with stunning miscalculation. His cloud nine has turned to stormy weather.
Fresh off election wins, Christie miscalculated that he would rush through a vote that his party would win giving it political cover to legalize certain enterprises that might prove generous to his party in perpetuity. Talk of neutrality was always a ruse. His gambit, thus far, has backfired.
Still, Christie’s hubris was only outmatched by staggering incompetence. To refresh our memories, let’s recall this government’s comedy of errors:
The PLP’s election charter promised a referendum on a national lottery and gambling. The government flip-flopped by deciding to hold a referendum solely on web cafes, supposedly on the advice of UK consultants who apparently suggested that a national lottery was not commercially feasible, even though they have admitted to not conducting a more thorough study.
Remember also that Christie said the consultants were preparing a report, which now turns out to be just a few letters. The breakneck flip-flopping continued: Christie then advised there would be a poll instead of a referendum.
Now, in the latest whip-lashing flip-flop, we are told that the referendum is back on and will include a question on a national lottery, the very lottery that was supposedly commercially non-feasible based on a report which seemingly never existed. What a tangled web cafe weave.
So staggeringly incompetent has Christie been in this numbers affair, one wonders whether certain colleagues left him to his own devices, so that he might flail, flounder and flip-flop. The prime minister’s attempt to extricate himself from this entanglement in his most recent House communication on gambling also failed.
Butler-Turner was having none of Christie’s flip-flopping, crying shame on the whole sham, taking Christie’s nerve while taking on a government which seemed dazed as she mocked its breath-taking hypocrisy and muddled thinking.
In a weak defense, Christie boasted of his numbers in the chamber, as if he was rallying his troops in the face of the Long Island MP’s singular offensive. Curiously, despite the largest Cabinet since internal self-government in 1964, his government’s performance on the gambling issue has been a collective disaster.
Nevertheless, Christie’s leading and vociferous role in this policy and political mess has likely encouraged those within his Cabinet who would rather replace him sooner rather than later.
Bluster
Speaking of crocodile tears, as Christie did last week, an often telling sign that he is under the gun and/or on the losing side of an argument is that he becomes even more voluble and impassioned as he attempts to obfuscate certain facts with performance art, bluster, and often feigned hurt or sincerity, depending on the dramatic persona required.
He did so in the House, referring to those who are too stupid and blind to see certain facts, and those who are being “transparently opportunistic”. Given Christie’s tin-ear, blinders, wholesale incompetence, collapsed credibility, dissembling and spectacularly opportunistic flip-flopping on this issue, his was not the best choice of language.
While Christie’s performance in the House last week may not be good enough for an Academy Award, it merits a nomination for a Daytime Emmy. Unfortunately, his performance then and during the course of the current debate will not win him an award for excellence in public policy or good governance.
The very day that Christie was performing his latest flip-flop in the House, Fr. Jimmy Palacious lambasted the government’s web cafe intentions. He lamented that this government would seek to push through a poll on gambling while women are constitutionally still unequal to men.
This is the crying shame of Perry Christie’s PLP, demonstrably quicker in seeking to secure the greed of private interests rather than the public good of the mass of Bahamians, and the equality of women.
Christie’s failure of leadership is not solely one of chronic incompetence. More broadly and egregiously it is an outsized and shameful failure to keep faith with the Bahamian people and the demands of social justice. No posturing, play-acting or preening by Perry Christie can obscure this sad reality.
November 20, 2012
Constitutional Reform pt. 13
The Constitution: Gaming and discrimination
BY ALFRED SEARS
Since the early 1960s full-time casino gambling has been and remains the anchor attraction of the major touristic resorts in The Bahamas, without any major opposition from the Bahamian society either on moral or social grounds. However, under the Lotteries and Gaming Act, 1969, Bahamian citizens, permanent residents, persons ordinarily resident in The Bahamas or persons in the employment of the government of The Bahamas, except with a special permit, are prohibited from taking part in any gaming and casinos in The Bahamas. While there is a complete ban on Bahamians, visitors are invited to The Bahamas to patronize casinos.
Casino operators in The Bahamas, all of whom are foreign investors, receive each year a promotional cash contribution from the government, pursuant to their respective heads of agreements, to promote their resorts in which casino gaming is a core attraction. As part of the public policy of The Bahamas, the government grants licenses to casinos, receives taxes of approximately $15 million annually from casinos and allows Bahamians to participate, through employment, in gaming activities in casinos, as croupiers, pit bosses and supervisors on behalf of the casinos.
On the other hand, to participate in gaming in The Bahamas, Bahamians must patronize illegal web shop operations, owned and operated by Bahamian entrepreneurs who risk, along with their patrons, arrest and prosecution. However, in spite of this risk, the local web shops have proliferated throughout The Bahamas with thousands of Bahamian patrons.
The root of this discriminatory treatment of Bahamians and permanent residents is found in Article 26 (1) of the Constitution which declares that no law shall make any provision which is discriminatory either in itself or in its effect. However, under the derogation clause of Article 26 (4) (e) it is stated that this article shall not apply to any law so far as that law makes provision “for authorizing the granting of licenses or certificates permitting the conduct of a lottery, the keeping of a gaming house or the carrying on of gambling in any of its forms subject to conditions which impose upon persons who are citizens of The Bahamas disabilities or restrictions to which other persons are not made subject”.
Therefore, the Constitution allows for disabilities or restrictions, in the area of gaming, against Bahamian citizens and permanent residents which disabilities and restrictions are not applicable to visitors and foreign investors. The question is whether this blanket prohibition of Bahamians from gaming can be justified, on the grounds of public policy and constitutional principle, given the current support of and subsidy by the government of foreign-operated casino gaming in The Bahamas.
Prime Minister Perry Christie announced in the House of Assembly on October 31, 2012 that there will be a referendum on December 3, 2012 on one question: Do you support the legalization of web shops? The prime minister disclosed that the question of a national lottery will not be included which, in the opinion of the London-based consultants, were not commercially viable and that the question of removing the prohibition on casino gambling for Bahamians will not be a part of the referendum. The prime minister pledged to shut down web shops and enforce the gaming laws if there were to be a majority “no” vote. If a majority of the votes in the referendum were to be in the affirmative, then the Gaming Board will issue licenses to those persons who meet a strict set of criteria, including possessing the necessary experience, integrity and expertise, as well as possessing the necessary financial resources and having organizational capacity and internal controls needed to operate in an efficient, responsible and transparent manner. According to the prime minister, legalized web shops will pay a licensing fee of at least $1 million and a performance bond, annual taxes based on their revenue, contribute to the cost of implementing the new laws and regulations, create and maintain programs to protect gamblers from addiction and assist with the cost of setting up a system to rehabilitate gambling addicts.
According to The Nassau Guardian, as reported by Taneka Thompson on November 6, 2012 of an interview with Christie on the sidelines of a swearing in ceremony for North Abaco MP Renardo Curry as a parliamentary secretary, the prime minister conceded that while a referendum is not needed to regulate the gaming sector, his government will be conducting a referendum to glean public opinion on the issue, in the following quote: “...Because there is nothing to do with amending the Constitution; this is not a constitutional referendum... I’m advised legally that all of the prerequisites that go into organizing a constitutional referendum do not apply, and so when I get the legal opinion I will publish it so people will see that all this is, is a government seeking an indication of the opinion of people.”
According to Article 52 (1) of the Constitution, Parliament may make laws for the peace, order and good government of The Bahamas. Article 52 (2) provides that the power of Parliament to make laws shall be exercised by bills passed by both houses, whether without amendment or with such amendments only as are agreed to by both houses, and assented to by the governor general in accordance with Article 63 of the Constitution. The Privy Council in Cobb & Co. Limited and Other v. Norman Eggert Kropp (1966) 3 WLR 416 stated that, “The phrase ‘peace welfare and good government’ is one that is ‘habitually employed to denote the plenitude of sovereign legislative power, even though that power be confined to certain subjects or within certain reservations.’” Therefore, the government, given its parliamentary majority can amend the Lotteries and Gaming Act to remove the prohibition against Bahamian participation in casino and other forms of gaming in The Bahamas. However, given the apparently divided public opinion on this issue, the government has decided to poll the Bahamian electorate by way of referendum.
Section 2 of the Constitutional Referendum Act (1977) provides that, “For the purpose of obtaining the approval of the electors qualified to vote in an election of members of the House of Assembly with respect to a bill submitted to them, which bill seeks to alter an article of the Constitution specified in Article 54 (2) or (3) of the Constitution or any of the provisions of The Bahamas Independence Act, 1973, a vote shall be taken by way of a referendum held in accordance with this act.” It is clear that a referendum, pursuant to the Constitutional Referendum Act, is part of a legislative process reserved to amending the articles specified in Article 54 (2) or (3) of the Constitution or the provisions of The Bahamas Independence Order. Therefore, the proposed referendum on gambling would not fit within the legislative scheme of the Constitutional Referendum Act.
If the proposed referendum on gambling is intended to be a mere consultative or advisory referendum on the issue of whether the web shops and lotteries in The Bahamas should be legalized or not, in my opinion, there would have to be an amendment of the Constitutional Referendum Act or the passing of a new law to enable the conduct of an advisory or consultative referendum, as an advisory or consultative referendum is outside the parameters of the present Constitutional Referendum Act. The Privy Council, in the case The Prime Minister of Belize v. The Attorney General of Belize (2010) UKPC 7, held that an amendment to the Referendum Act, which is not part of the legislative process and which does not purport to alter the deeply entrenched provisions of the Constitution, but is merely advisory or consultative, imposes no obligation on the legislature and therefore could not violate the Constitution.
On the evening of November 13, 2012 Christie, in a mature acknowledgement to the public questions and concerns raised about the process, announced that the proposed referendum had been postponed from December 3, 2012 to January 28, 2013. The prime minister also disclosed that the postponed referendum will ask whether lotteries should be legalized, in addition to web shops. On November 14, 2012 the government tabled a bill in the House of Assembly to amend the Constitutional Referendum Act and the Parliamentary Elections Act and provide a legal framework for the conduct of advisory or consultative referenda.
The adjusted proposal of the government, intended to achieve the limited objective of determining whether the Bahamian electorate supports the legalization of web shops and lotteries by way of an advisory or consultative referendum under the supervision of the parliamentary commissioner, will avoid controversy over the process of the referendum.
On a more substantive level, however, I urge that the Constitutional Review Commission recommend the removal of derogation clause 4 (e) from Article 26 of the Constitution, in order to affirm the constitutional norm of non-discrimination, regularize and tax the Bahamian community gaming industry and open casino gaming to Bahamian ownership, management and patronage.
• Alfred Sears is an attorney, a former member of Parliament and a former attorney general of The Bahamas.
Nov 15, 2012
Constitutional reform pt. 12
Freedom of expression
By Alfred Sears
In a democratic society there is no greater right than the right of citizens to know what the government is doing on their behalf, which includes the right to hold opinions, to receive and express ideas and information without interference. The constitution guarantees our right to freely express ourselves by engaging in open political debate amongst ourselves as well as to engage in political discourse with our elected officials and with candidates who offer themselves for public office.
Article 23 of the constitution guarantees freedom of expression to every person in The Bahamas that provides that:
1. Except with his consent, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of expression, and for the purpose of this article the said freedom includes freedom to hold opinions, to receive and impart ideas and information without interference, and freedom from interference with his correspondence.
2. Nothing contained in or done under the authority of any law shall be held to be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article to the extent that the law in question makes provision –
(a) which is reasonably required –
(i) in the interest of defense, public safety, public order, public morality or public health; or
(ii) for the purpose of protecting the rights, reputations and freedom of other persons, preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, maintaining the authority and independence of the courts, or regulating telephony, telegraphy, posts, wireless, broadcasting, television, public exhibitions or public entertainment; or
(iii) which imposes restrictions upon persons holding office under the Crown or upon members of disciplined force, and except so far as that provision or, as the case may be, the thing done under the authority thereof is shown not to be reasonably justifiable in a democratic society.
This guarantee is meaningless unless there is reasonable access to the broadcast media and protection of the media. Therefore, the issuance of private broadcast licenses in The Bahamas beginning around 1994 has allowed greater freedom of expression in The Bahamas.
The Court of Appeal of Belize in the Belize Broadcasting Authority v. Courtenay (1986) 38 WIR 79, dealing with a provision, identical to Article 23 of the Bahamian Constitution, under the Constitution of Belize, held that to broadcast on radio and television is “today an integral part of the freedom of expression and to place the need for the authority’s consent before one can do what is an integral part of the freedom constitutes a hindrance to that freedom.” Access to the broadcast media is especially important in an archipelago, like The Bahamas, where people are scattered over many different islands separated by a wide expanse of water.
The Privy Council has held that fear of criticism cannot justify hindering the public access to the broadcast media and access to the broadcast media by political opponents. In the case Hector v. Attorney General of Antigua and Barbuda (1990) 2 All E. R. 103, per Lord Bridge, held that: “In a free democratic society it is almost too obvious to need stating that those who hold office in government and who are responsible for public administration must always be open to criticism. Any attempt to stifle or fetter such criticism amounts to political censorship of the most insidious and objectionable kind. At the same time it is no less obvious that the very purpose of criticism leveled at those who have the conduct of stewardship is to persuade the electorate that the opponents would make a better job of it than those presently holding office...”.
In the United States, the First Amendment of the constitution declares that the Congress shall not abridge the freedom of the press. However, in the Constitution of The Bahamas, there is no specific mention of the press or the guarantee of press freedom. In The Bahamas, the laws of defamation and a fear of offending a prime minister or other elected officials often places a restraint on robust investigative reporting on politically sensitive matters. A number of journalists in The Bahamas have been prosecuted, sued or threatened with prosecution for criticizing aspects of the public administration in The Bahamas. The community interests, integrity and honesty in public administration can be compromised when the people and the press do not enjoy absolute privilege to criticize public officials. This privilege should include matters of public concern, public officials and candidates for public office. As the United States Supreme Court stated, in the case New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide open and may well include vehement caustic and sometimes unpleasant sharp attacks on government and public officials, an occasional erroneous statement is inevitable in free debate. Save and except in cases of malice, the press should be unfettered in its criticism and scrutiny of public administration in The Bahamas.
I therefore recommend that Article 23 of the constitution be amended to include a specific guarantee for freedom of the press in order to better protect the community’s interest in integrity in public administration through robust scrutiny by an independent press.
• Alfred Sears is an attorney, a former member of Parliament and a former attorney general of The Bahamas.
Nov 08, 2012