Monday, January 9, 2012

Bahamian Hero Sir Clifford Darling was a man who, even at the end, was not really given the accolades he deserved... not even a memorial service before his funeral by those in the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) he helped to shape

Sir Clifford Darling: A fixed star


Consider this


By Philip C. Galanis




“If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,

Or walk with kings - nor lose the common touch,

if neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you

If all men count with you, but none too much;”

- Rudyard Kipling

 

At a wonderfully choreographed home-going ceremony for Sir Clifford Darling at Zion Baptist Church on Thursday past, His Excellency Sir Arthur Foulkes noted: “As a great man who belonged to a great generation goes to his rest, the curtain of living memory is slowly but inexorably closing on a defining era in the history of The Bahamas.  As with great sadness we mourn his passing, we also, as is our custom, take the opportunity to celebrate a life that was well lived and wonderfully fruitful.”  Therefore, this week, just one day before what is arguably the second most important date in Bahamian history, the anniversary of Majority Rule, we thought it would be instructive to Consider This... how do we briefly characterize the life and contributions of the man from Chesters, Acklins?

Darling (also affectionately called ‘Sir Cliff’) has been described as one who represented the best of the Bahamian spirit, a civil man of integrity, a nationalist and a humble soul who rose from poverty on Acklins Island to become the head of state, our fourth Bahamian-born governor general.

 

His record

No other Bahamian has matched his record.  Darling was unique in that he alone, like no other Bahamian before or since, served the Bahamian people as a senator, a member of the House of Assembly, cabinet minister, speaker of the House, and ultimately governor general.

His 89-year sojourn was punctuated by conflicts and challenges, disappointments and disenchantments as well as superlative successes, all of which contributed to the building of a nation by a solitary soul which is not likely to be repeated anytime soon.

Whether it was during his time on the contract in the United States, his tenure as president of the The Bahamas Taxi Cab Union (BTCU), his 25-years as the PLP MP for the constituency of Englerston, or in his capacity as the cabinet minister who inaugurated the National Insurance Board, he exuded a quiet confidence that endeared him to all who came into contact with him.

 

Achievements

Few Bahamians would know that Darling never lost an election in his life, starting with the time he ran and won the election as the representative of the workers in his camp in the United States while on the contract in 1943.  Darling served eight consecutive years as the secretary of the BTCU, never losing an election that was held every year.  He then won 10 consecutive elections when he ran for president of the union, despite facing opposition each year that he ran.

Few Bahamians would know that the PLP did not want him to run in Englerston in 1967 and he was actually told that if he lost, he would not be reappointed to the senate.  He went on to win by the largest majority of any candidate in 1967, ultimately winning six general elections in Englerston from 1967 to 1992.

 

Disappointments

Few Bahamians would know how surprised and disappointed Darling was that Sir Lynden Pindling did not invite him to join his first cabinet after Majority Rule.  In fact, Darling recounts how it was actually Jeffery Thompson who proposed that ‘Sir Cliff’ should be offered the position of deputy speaker in 1967, which was eventually agreed.

In discussions with Darling, he remembered his relationship with Sir Stafford Sands, who he described as a racist, and with whom he had many squabbles dating from the time that Sands tried to destroy the BTCU.  Darling recalls that when he became deputy speaker of the House, he was the first black man to sit in that chair and Sands did not like that at all.  Darling recounted that when members entered or exited the House, they had to bow to the chair in deference to the speaker or deputy speaker.  Although it only happened a few times before he left The Bahamas and died abroad, Sands had to respect the chair by bowing. Whenever he did so, Darling could clearly see the resentment in Sands’ face.

One of Darling’s biggest disappointments occurred shortly after the FNM won the general elections in 1992 when he was serving as governor general. It was then that the Ingraham administration politicized that office which is conventionally set above partisan politics, and prevented Darling from reading the speech from the throne at the commencement of Parliament.  ‘Sir Cliff’ recalled that he was told that the government would pay for him to go anywhere in the world and he decided to go to Canada. He also recalls that he was extremely hurt and sat in his hotel room in Canada, while Sir Kendal Isaacs read the speech from the throne in his stead.  Could that be the reason that the prime minister did not pay personal tribute to Darling at the funeral on Thursday, perhaps because the hurt was still deeply felt by Darling’s family even in death?

At all times, Darling presented himself as a nationalist even after demitting office as governor general.  This writer recalls an occasion shortly after receiving the PLP nomination for Englerston in 1997, asking ‘Sir Cliff’ for advice about the constituency. Unhesitatingly, he replied that as the former governor general, he does not get involved in politics.

 

Conclusion

In his tribute, Sir Arthur Foulkes observed about an earlier time that: “There was no shortage of flamboyant politicians, but Clifford Darling was more of a fixed star than a shooting star, an inspiring presence, the perfect mix of necessary patience and steely determination.”

Darling was a man who, even at the end, was not really given the accolades he deserved, not even a memorial service before his funeral by those in the party he helped to shape.

In the final analysis, although on occasion he was let down by some of his closest friends and political colleagues, no matter what, Darling never, ever let his country down. His legacy will endure in the firmament of Bahamian politics for generations to come.

 

Philip C. Galanis is the managing partner of HLB Galanis & Co., Chartered Accountants, Forensic & Litigation Support Services. He served 15 years in Parliament.  Please send your comments to:pgalanis@gmail.com

Jan 09, 2012

thenassauguardian

Saturday, January 7, 2012

Less than 17 per cent of poor Bahamian households are receiving social security benefits... ...an Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) report highlighting a dysfunctional welfare system that is failing to reach those most in need... and where the potential for fraud and abuse is rampant

JUST 17% OF POOR GETTING BENEFITS



By NEIL HARTNELL
Tribune Business Editor


LESS than 17 per cent of poor Bahamian households are receiving social security benefits, an Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) report highlighting a dysfunctional welfare system that is failing to reach those most in need, and where the potential for fraud and abuse is rampant.

The IDB report, which has been obtained by Tribune Business, also reveals that just 45 per cent of the Food Stamps issued by the Department of Social Services go to the poorest 20 per cent of Bahamian households, raising immediate questions of whether the system is being abused by wealthier persons and those with the right 'connections'.

Noting that there was no 'means testing' of applicants for social security benefit payments in the Bahamas, the IDB report said government officials found difficulty in accessing even the most basic information on welfare programmes, such as how may people were benefiting from them.
Evaluations of the Government's various social security initiatives, to determine whether they were functioning efficiently and reaching their targets, were described as "virtually non-existent".

The IDB report is part of an initiative to Strengthen Social Protection Programmes in the Bahamas, which is seeking to consolidate the various welfare benefits into a more streamlined package targeting the most vulnerable in Bahamian society.

It is also targeting waste, fraud and inefficiency in the system, in a bid to reduce the burden social security spending places on the Government's finances.

"The Bahamas has a range of non-contributory social protection programmes. However, there is considerable scope for consolidating, redesigning and strengthening programmes so that the safety net is better positioned to protect the poor and promote their human capital development," the IDB report said.

"The Ministry of Labour and Social Development implements over 10 cash-in-kind programmes, and households could potentially benefit from all of these."

These initiatives included the Food and Financial Assistance Programmes; the School Uniform and Footwear Programme; School Feeding Programme; Rent Programme; Water Programme; Electricity Programme; Disability Allowance; Emergency Assistance; Medical Care Assistance; and Residential and Non-residential Social Care Services.

Yet the IDB report warned: "Multiple small programmes are administratively burdensome, and increase possibilities for abuse. At the same time, gaps in coverage are present, with only 16.7 per cent of poor households in receipt of safety net benefits.

This suggests that the Bahamas' social security/welfare system is failing abysmally where it is most needed, in providing help to the poorest in society.

The IDB report said all the Government's benefits "rely on inefficient targeting mechanisms", with both those under the Ministry and the National Insurance Board (NIB) involving different applications and targeting procedures.

"Each programme has its own criteria for approval," the report added. "Applications for assistance to the Ministry of Labour and Social Development go through a labour intensive seven-step review process.

"Even with this multi-tiered approval process, only 45 per cent of Food Coupon benefits go to households in the poorest quintile, and this is despite the fact that the programme is ostensibly targeted to the indigent."

All of which suggests that the majority of Food Stamps, some 55 per cent, go to those who have no, or minimal need, for them - indicating the system is being abused.

"Information and monitoring systems are weak," the IDB report added. "Programme information is not fully computerised, and programme officials have difficulty accessing even basic programme information, such as how many programme beneficiaries there are, or beneficiaries' geographic and demographic composition.

"Programme evaluations are virtually non-existent. As a result, we do not know which programmes are achieving their objectives, and if they are efficient and cost-effective."

The IDB said the Government wanted to "improve the efficiency and effectiveness" of its social security spending. As a result, the project aimed "to help lessen, in the medium term, the fiscal burden of the welfare system by reducing leakages of transfers to non-eligible beneficiaries".

Administration was also targeted for improvement, and rationalising the Government's various benefit programmes "to avoid duplication, and restructuring to enhance efficiency and impact, is needed". Consolidation was a priority, along with expanding social security coverage "to a greater share of the poor".

"The consolidated programme should focus on protecting the most vulnerable and on promoting human capital development among children, including promoting healthy nutrition and keeping adolescents in school," the IDB report said.

Means testing, to ensure those actually needing social security support, are set to be introduced. The welfare programmes to be consolidated are the Food and Financial Assistance (rent, water and electricity) programmes; the School Uniform and Footwear programme; School Lunch programme; and Disability Allowance.

The IDB report acknowledged that the programme could be "politically sensitive" given the upcoming election, but the Government is moving to counter this by appointing a broad-based social protection reform working group.

January 06, 2012

tribune242

Thursday, January 5, 2012

...the Jamaicans rejected the People's National Party (PNP) in 2007 just like the Bahamians rejected the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) in 2007... but that’s the unique beauty of democracy which we in the English-speaking Caribbean are proud of ...which has significantly contributed to the progress of our nation... The question remains however, will the Bahamian people just like their Jamaican counterparts vote the PLP back into power?

Jamaican elections 2011: A prediction of what to expect in The Bahamas in 2012?


By Arinthia S. Komolafe



On December 29, 2011, we witnessed the People’s National Party (PNP) in Jamaica command a landslide victory against the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) in the country’s 16th general election since Jamaicans were able to vote for the first time in 1944.  The elections came at a time when there were growing concerns among the electorate, as the country’s national debt climbed to approximately 130 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), a reported 12-13 percent unemployment rate, high crime rate, budget overrun on road works and corruption at the government level, including the most recent scandal of the JLP government and its connection to Christopher “Dudus” Coke that led former Prime Minister Bruce Golding to step down in favor of the now defeated Prime Minister Andrew Holness.

More than 1.6 million Jamaicans cast their votes in a hotly contested election, which opinion polls had suggested would be close.  The Jamaica Gleaner, the country’s oldest daily, even went as far as to predict a victory in favor of the JLP suggesting a 34-29 win.  However, the PNP under the leadership of 66-year-old Portia Simpson Miller returned to power after a close defeat in the 2007 general election, taking 41 of the 63 available seats in Parliament, the remainder going to the JLP and no seats going to independents or third parties.  The number of constituencies and available parliamentary seats in Jamaica were increased from an even number of 60 to an odd number of 63 in order to prevent a potential deadlock – a decision that may not have been unconnected to the close elections in 2007.

In light of the foregoing and looking closer on the home front, one cannot help but ask why Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham and the boundaries commission agreed to a reduction of seats from an odd number of 41 to an even number of 38.  Considering the closeness of our 2007 general election and slim margins of victories by candidates seeking parliamentary seats, the wisdom of maintaining an odd number of constituencies should have been taken into consideration and ultimately prevailed.  At the very least, there should have been a minimum of 39 parliamentary seats to offer for in the next general election.  However, as we have witnessed the events unfold over the past few weeks and played out in the press, politics seems to have overridden any sense of logic.

The challenges facing us

Nevertheless, the challenges plaguing Jamaica are similar to those that we are faced with here in The Bahamas.  Voters are intelligent enough to recognize that the entire world has fallen victim to this global economic and financial crisis.  However, the electorate is not buying the use of the aforesaid as a valid excuse for things being the way they are – an excuse which governments around the world have politicized and are selling to their citizens.

The Jamaican elections were a prime example of the often underestimated wisdom and sophisticated knowledge of the 21st century voter.  Just a short few months ago, Jamaica’s minister of transport and works for the (former) ruling JLP government in Jamaica, Mike Henry, had to resign his post for cost overruns and mismanagement of a $400 million road work construction program in Jamaica.  As the funds were the result of a loan extended by the People’s Republic of China, disgruntled taxpayers and the opposition PNP were obviously not pleased with how the funds were being squandered so negligently during a time when the economy was and still is in such a depressed state.  In hindsight, their discontent was clearly a prelude of things to come based upon the election results.  The JLP seemed to have been negligent as it related to addressing the economic needs of the Jamaican people which prompted their bosses – the voting population – to reward them by sending a clear message to the JLP of what they felt about the last five years of JLP governance.  Faced with a similar scenario, the Bahamian people may follow in like manner at the polls in 2012 after experiencing unprecedented high levels of crime that have unfortunately increased tremendously over the past five years, and continuous loss of jobs with no hope for new ones to be created.

As a result the estimated unemployment rate has climbed to more than 18 percent.  To make matters worse, we are experiencing an increase in the closure of small and medium sized businesses and have had to watch with great agony the foreclosures of a multitude of Bahamian homes and properties.  Moreover, there’s an increasing perception that negligent spending of the taxpayers’ funds has helped push the debt-to-GDP ratio to more than 40 percent and the deficit to more than $4 billion.  This added to an increase in social problems, no doubt stemming from the aforementioned issues, adds to a laundry list of items, including an alarming high school drop-out rate that continues to increase, a national grade point average of D, a rise in teenage pregnancy cases, domestic violence, child molestation, recidivism among former inmates, increased illegal immigration and gun and firearms trafficking – all of which this government seems to have little or no answers to.

What is being done?

The problems facing our nation are serious and should not be overshadowed by petty politics.  We are on a downward spiral that will lead us on a continuous path of destruction if an urgent intervention is not undertaken. We have witnessed over these past five years that the current government has been hard-pressed to find solutions to the myriad problems that our nation is faced with.  The government and its public relations machinery on the other hand is saying, “do you see this and do you see that”, pointing to the various capital projects and expenditure initiated by the government during the last five years.  Like the average Bahamian, I recognize the importance of capital projects such as the roads, the new straw market, the acquisitions of buildings for government agencies and multiple projects left on the table by the former PLP government between 2002 and 2007, such as the Nassau airport development, Baha Mar, Thomas A. Robinson Stadium and so on and so forth.  However, the question remains as to whether these individuals recognize the thousands of Bahamians struggling to make ends meet each day and whether they are sensitized to the amount of children unable to attend school because their parents cannot afford uniforms, lunch and/or supplies.

We must acknowledge that several Bahamian families are growing hungry each day due to the continuous increase in the cost of breadbasket items, as their purchasing power continues to decrease due to inflation alongside the reality of minimal or non-existent increases in salaries.  One only needs to look around to see the thousands of Bahamian businesses that are shutting down largely in part due to the negligent mismanagement of road works, high cost of energy and increased taxes to operate a business in an already depressed economy.

These plights are added to the many Bahamians who are going homeless each day as they lose their homes to foreclosures.  The economies of our Family Islands are depressed, as the government has failed to diversify our economy and effectively develop these islands – the biggest victim of this depression being the second capital city of Freeport in Grand Bahama, whose woes unfortunately seem to have no end.  The multiple downgrades of our nation’s economy in 2011 by international ratings agencies do not provide a positive outlook for our nation and offer a bleak picture for the future unless viable solutions are forthcoming.

In the final analysis, the Jamaicans rejected the PNP in 2007 just like the Bahamians rejected the PLP in 2007, but that’s the unique beauty of democracy that we in the English-speaking Caribbean are proud of which has significantly contributed to the progress of our nation.  The question remains however, will the Bahamian people just like their Jamaican counterparts vote the PLP back into power?  Time will tell.  The clock is ticking and the countdown has already begun.

 

Arinthia S. Komolafe is an attorney-at-law. Comments can be directed at: arinthia.komolafe@komolafelaw.com

Jan 05, 2012

thenassauguardian

Wednesday, January 4, 2012

Today's union leaders in The Bahamas are a different breed... they have no interest in nation building

UNIONISTS WANT RIGHT TO BE LATE FOR WORK

tribune242 editorial



UNIONS seem to follow a pattern, they rattle their sabres at tourism's busiest time of the year, or when an election is nearing. The reasoning seems to be that these are the times when the boss is most vulnerable, so they toss him to the ground and pick his pockets.

True or false, that is the perception.

For several days now, there has been discontent at the airport. A strike for the busy new year's weekend was threatened. Although a strike did not materialise there was chaos at the airport yesterday. We know that at least one businessman cancelled plans to travel to the US over the weekend because of strike talk - union leaders refused to confirm or deny whether the strike was on or off. The businessman feared that if he left the country he might not be able to return for early morning meetings on Tuesday. There were probably others in the same situation. Of course, no one knows how many weekend visitors coming into the country might also have cancelled because of the uncertainty.

As one businessman close to the tourist industry commented yesterday: "Today's union leaders are a different breed, they have no interest in nation building."

It seems unconscionable that anyone would try to destroy new business coming into a country that has suffered such a long economic downturn. But that is just what all this "work-to-rule" and "strike" at the airport did over a weekend that promised good business for the country.

It is interesting to note that the union making the most noise, is a breakaway union, which as yet has no contract with the government. Union leaders are to meet with Labour Minister Dion Foulkes next week -- Tuesday, January 10 -- to negotiate their first contract.

When a Tribune reporter tried to get information on Friday as to whether the newly-formed Bahamas Customs, Immigration and Allied Workers Union (BCIAWU) intended to go through with its strike threat, all union vice-president Sloane Smith would say was: "I offer no information today on what may possibly be going on at the airport. I will not say there is a strike or there isn't a strike. Things are unfolding the way they should. That is all I am prepared to say."

In other words, the travelling public can go you-know-where as far as unionists are concerned. They forget that these are the tourists who put bread on their tables and when the tourists are gone so is the bread.

Members of the BCIAWU were once a part of John Pinder's Bahamas Public Services Union (BPSU), which does have a government contract. The BCIAWU is negotiating a contract for the first time.

They have listed several items that they want clarified and incorporated into their contract. "Employees are repeatedly being disciplined for lateness, although the contract states this should not occur more than four times per month," is one of their complaints. Obviously, they are referring to the BPSU contract, which the BCIAWU abandoned on breaking away from the BPSU. At the moment, they have no contract as a reference point.

We had to read this "lateness" demand several times, and still we cannot believe that persons interested in holding down a job are trying to negotiate slackness into their contract. It's an absolutely preposterous demand, which should be tossed out before any negotiations begin. Anyone interested in giving an honest day's work has no right to demand the right to be late for work.

Just imagine everyone in a department deciding to have a lie in on a Monday morning. There would be chaos in that department. The taxpayers of this country have the right to demand more. What man or woman in the private sector can arrive late on the job without a valid excuse, and when that so-called "valid excuse" starts to form a pattern, the man or woman is eventually written up, and if there is no improvement, he or she is fired.

That is the general problem with the public service -- there are many exceptions, of course-- but as a general rule too many are not serious. They are not serious about work and they are not serious about serving the public. However, they are very serious about their days off, their overtime, and being allowed to be late for work one day in every week of the year.

Four late days a month, translates into 48 late days a year. What private company would tolerate this? What taxpayer would expect to get away with such dumb shenanigans at his own place of business, yet he is expected to foot the bill for a public servant to have the right to do so. It's now time for the public to have a say in some of these contracts, after all they are the ones footing these bills.

We hope that the right to be late for work is removed completely from all contracts. The main trouble with the public service is that it lacks discipline. What we have found in our years in business is that what is granted as a generous consideration when built into a contract suddenly becomes a right. One can be certain that every week of each month a staff member will be late because it is now his right-- no reasons are needed for the lateness. How can a department head manage a department efficiently if he/she has to work with staff who have such "rights."

We still can't believe that union leaders would insult the public's intelligence by threatening to strike for such nonsense.

January 03, 2012

tribune242 editorial

Tuesday, January 3, 2012

What all Bahamians must remember is anything is possible at election time if the people are interested and open to making the change they desire... We vote in governments...We vote them out... No party or leader is guaranteed anything on election day... We must work hard during these upcoming weeks to ensure that the best government for The Bahamas is chosen

Voting time nears


thenassauguardian editorial




The parties are almost ready, and most of the country is too, for the next general election.  Though the prime minister has until May to call the vote, it is expected that he will do so before then.  Based on the work that has already been done, it would be reasonable to assume that an election will be held sometime between February and March.  If not, it would be soon after.  If you didn’t already know, we are now in election season.

Based on the registration numbers thus far, more Bahamians will be eligible to vote in 2012 than the 150,000 on the voting list in 2007.  Included in that eligible voter number are the bases of the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) and Free National Movement (FNM).  For whatever reasons, these people will vote for the party they are aligned to regardless of who it selects as candidates and regardless of who leads it.

The swing voters, who change their minds from time to time, will largely determine the next government.

For the swing voters who are undecided or confused, we offer a few simple suggestions to help in your evaluation process.

It would be wise to initially define what you think are the biggest problems facing the country.  Once this is done, examine the records of the parties on those issues.  The leaders of the PLP and the FNM have been around a long time.  They have clear track records on issues such as job creation and crime management.  It does not take much thinking or research to evaluate the performance of each of the main parties, and their leaders, on issues of national concern.

What must then be analyzed is leadership itself.  In the Westminster system in developing countries, significant power is concentrated in the hands of prime ministers.  The man you elect would need to be competent, fair, energetic and enough of a visionary to help lift the country from its current malaise.

Does the leader inspire you?  Do you think he cares about the country, or does he just want to be prime minister?  Will he listen to the people once he is elected?  Is the team around him competent?  These are just some of the questions that should be considered.

Now, we mentioned the PLP and FNM.  There is also a ‘third party’ in the race – that is, the Democratic National Alliance (DNA).  Its leader is a one-term member of Parliament.  What must be considered here is whether he and the members of his party are ready to govern.

We have discussed the macro-level of voting thus far, but another approach can be taken.  There will be 38 constituency races.  While many Bahamians vote for party or leader, it is just as reasonable to vote for the person you think best to represent you, your community and your interests.

Voting for party, leader or candidate is fine once the decision is a considered one.  Voters should not just place their Xs next to candidates from particular parties because of, for example, family history.

To those who are disheartened by the choices before us this electoral cycle, do not become apathetic.  Look closely before you decide not to vote.  If none of the main players interest you, consider the lesser ones.  Not voting should always be a last option.

What all Bahamians must remember is anything is possible at election time if the people are interested and open to making the change they desire.  We vote in governments.  We vote them out.  No party or leader is guaranteed anything on election day.  We must work hard during these upcoming weeks to ensure that the best government for The Bahamas is chosen.  And when this is done, we must work just as hard to ensure that the people who make up that government do what they were elected to do.

Jan 03, 2012

thenassauguardian editorial

Saturday, December 31, 2011

The politicians and the politics of the 1990s -- even of 2007 -- are obsolete... And as far as the politics of The Bahamas is concerned, both of our long-standing parties have seemed comfortable with the formula bequeathed to us by our colonial forefathers; a pepper-pot of traditionalism in some areas and a discourse of modernisation in others -- a dish which has resulted in the gradual disintegration of the Bahamian middle class over the last decade in the face of a global economy in transition, concentrating wealth more and more in fewer peoples' hands

Making the case for a national political debate



By JOEY GASKINS


EXPLICITLY, my intention is to present an argument for why I believe this election season requires a debate between the leaders of the three most visible political parties.

There are, I would argue, questions that remain concerning the lack of any pronounced or marked ideological difference between these three parties, and in these difficult times the Bahamas needs thoughtful and critical leadership.

Public debate should enrich the political process and supply Bahamians with varying and alternative imaginings of our possibilities as nation. It seems clear to me that the level of public debate in the Bahamas cannot adequately answer this challenge.

As a bonus, I hope this piece will also serve as an indictment of politics as usual in the Bahamas and an appeal directed especially at young voters. Those with influence often accuse us of apathy while simultaneously shirking responsibility for our current condition.

I fear that we will follow in their footsteps -- deifying political leaders and being baptised in red, yellow or green (or whatever the colours of the day are) on the altar of our own political immaturity. This is not the time to reify that tradition; we know now where that path leads. Look around you.

Bahamians have unfortunately been let down by a great deal of our erstwhile political pundit class, many of whom seem, quite frankly, bitter. A number of these political commentators betray what can only be described as hurt feelings and personal vendettas in their writing and on the radio.

In turn they've become the spin doctors of choice for their patron political parties, making house calls even. I'm certainly skeptical that they can be relied on to provide non-partisan opinions and I've long since rid myself of the expectation that this particular sphere of influence will ever mount a meaningful challenge to the status quo.

Colin A Hughes reminds us in his book, Race and Politics in the Bahamas, during the run-up to the 1967 election, the two most read papers in the Bahamas, The Tribune and The Nassau Guardian, both seemed to support the ruling United Bahamian Party (UBP).

These days there is no white supremacist regime that must be challenged. Instead, the status quo is represented by the uncritical and empty party politics that characterises our electoral contests.

As the revolutionary theorist, Antonio Gramsci, makes clear, there are two types of intellectuals: those who align with emergent, new intellectual and social forces, and those who work to maintain the old. The Bahamas has more than its fair share of the latter.

Facebook has seemingly provided an opportunity for more democratic political debate. However, upon closer inspection, you realise that only a few people are actually speaking.

The walls for Bahamian political Facebook groups are dominated by a small fraction of the members, most of whom are vehemently partisan mouth pieces for their team of choice.

I use the word "team" carefully, because many Bahamians treat political parties like they would a sport team -- counting who had the most people at the home game, idolising the star quarterback, comparing the roster and trash talking.

Most sports teams are devoid of ideology and I would argue our political parties are as well. For the majority of Bahamians, I would imagine that this doesn't matter; what counts is which team scores the winning touchdown. We've yet to learn that in this kind of a game everyone loses.
Sadly, referencing Hughes' book, you will quickly learn that in the early years of the 20th century the Bahamian electorate viewed the election season as a chance to get something for nothing -- then it was rum and rice. What is now, a free T-shirt and a Christmas ham?

When, as made clear by the Bahamian Wikileaks, our politicians are comfortable claiming that "free paraphernalia" is one of the most important factors in winning an election, this particular piece of history becomes significant.

Hughes' also remarks that for politicians, elections amounted to nothing more than sporting events, a game between peers carried out over generations. Ninety plus years later and things seems remarkably the same. Maybe it's an age thing but when politicians shout, "Come on down," at each other across the parliamentary aisle I can't help but think of "The Price is Right."

The lack of universal participation on Facebook may be because of apathy, but I've observed another possible explanation: outsiders and disagreeable opinions are not welcome.

In preparation for this article I decided to engage in some informal ethnographic research. I even participated in the discussion on few posts as an independent voter.

In one particular instance, my intervention was not appreciated. According to one of the regulars, my point of view apparently violated the "wisdom of God." And when I pointed out the wisdom of God, as espoused by man, has been used by man to inflict pain and suffering, no less on our own ancestors, things got ugly.

The good Christian who originally countered my argument Biblically, called me everything but a child of God, blocked me and apparently continued insulting me so that I could not respond. Meanwhile, others rushed to the post, and with a click of the "Like" button and "lol" in repetition, they patted each other on their virtual backs for maintaining a comfortable level of ignorance and aggressively defending business as usual.

This perhaps provides some insight: even on Facebook, where the access to political debate has been democratised, only certain people get to speak about certain things, and only in certain ways. There is no space on the Bahamian political landscape for alternative political discourses and few have been brave enough to try and make space.

Go off the reservation, show the ruptures of illogicality in age-old political wisdom, the senselessness in so-called political common sense, and face a collective wrath.

You can dare to question the status-quo but know that at the very least you and possibly your family will be blocked, insulted and laughed at. This is something made intelligible after my last article for this paper. My untraditional (dare I say un-Bahamian) position on homosexuality cost a family member a job opportunity. None of this makes for meaningful, respectful or productive debate, does it?

How then can a national political debate transform the grim picture I've just painted?

Honestly, it can't. But, it is a step in the right direction. Against my better judgment, I want to suggest that if anyone should be responsible for showing the Bahamian people how to conduct the kind of political debates necessary for us arrive at the best political conclusion for our country, it is our political leaders.

A nationally televised, internet streamed, radio broadcast of our two seasoned political leaders and the firebrand new contender debating policy, defining differences in ideology and comparing visions of the Bahamian future is beneficial for all, especially the Bahamian people.

I know I'm not alone when I say that I'm interested in hearing what our hopeful leaders have to offer, outside of the theatrics of adversarial parliamentary posturing and away from the throngs of adoring fans. Despite the fact that some political leaders believe they must no longer compete for their inevitable ascendancy, that they are tried and tested, these are new and unusual times.

The politicians and the politics of the 1990s -- even of 2007 -- are obsolete. And as far as the politics of the Bahamas is concerned, both of our long-standing parties have seemed comfortable with the formula bequeathed to us by our colonial forefathers, a pepper-pot of traditionalism in some areas and a discourse of modernisation in others -- a dish which has resulted in the gradual disintegration of the Bahamian middle class over the last decade in the face of a global economy in transition, concentrating wealth more and more in fewer peoples' hands.

This is also not the most opportune time for a greenhorn politician to stake a leadership claim with a less than impressive political resume. The simple answer would be to say the Bahamas needs a new politician or a new political party, when in actuality what I think we need is a new politics. I am left unconvinced that, in what has become a politics plagued by ego, we should suffer yet another political contender asserting his dominion over our government with an air of entitlement.

Prime Minister Ingraham could once and for all show the truth of the Free National Movement's record, and himself as a man of action. Mr Christie could mount a clear opposition to the FNM, and set out a bold vision for the Bahamas as imagined by the Progressive Liberal Party. It would also benefit Mr McCartney, who could finally show all of those who doubt him that he can contend on the national level and that Democratic National Alliance's promises of hope for the Bahamian people are not empty.

Not only is it time for Prime Minister Ingraham, Mr Christie and Mr. McCartney to explain why any of them should be allowed to stand at our country's helm in these rough waters, but it is time for the people of this country to require it of them. In the past, we've failed to hold our leaders truly accountable.

When the Prime Minister feels it is within his right to say that the new contender won't be carrying "his tings" anywhere, the Bahamian people must necessarily retort, "Tell us why you think you'll be carrying our tings anywhere?"

When the leader of the opposition places the blame for our country's current economic condition squarely on the shoulders of the sitting government, the Bahamian people must necessarily inquire, "How does your partisan rhetoric square with the reality of a global economic downturn, and what exactly would you do differently?"

When the dewy political newcomer promises change and hope, the Bahamian people must necessarily interrogate - "How do you intend to deliver given the greenness of you and your party -- a hastily stitched together team of entrants -- and what can you offer that will change the game?"

And, when the only difference between the various parties seem to be colour scheme and personality, aren't we really choosing between parties intent on steering us basically down the same path, perhaps some more vigorously than others?

To echo a ghost from the Bahamian political past, and referencing Hughes' book yet again, in 1971 the youthful Vanguard Nationalist and Socialist Party (VNSP) wrote of the PLP, "The lack of a basic and coherent political philosophy ...has been a major factor in its failure ...to correct the abuses of Bahamian society by the wealthy few, to create genuine political and economic opportunity."

When it comes to politics, in the same way the media and the electorate have remained seemingly unchanged decades later, I would argue that the charge levied against the PLP in 1971 is true of all our political parties today. You may not like the source but they had a point then and they have point now.

What we have here is not a failure to communicate but a history of neglect concerning the Bahamian political consciousness by the Bahamian political elite -- neglect that, in the end, benefits them. It's time we do something differently.

They say a people deserves its leaders. If that is true, it begs the question, what kind of a people are we?

Post-1973 Bahamians have often shown themselves to be a people divided by frivolous considerations like loyalty to political parties with no clear ideological direction and politicians that are scandal ridden, self-indulgent and entitled.

Because of our inability to unite around holding our political leaders accountable, those whose interests are contrary to the welfare of the Bahamian working and middle classes often succeed in having those interests met.

I hate to use polemical and loaded phrases like "ruling class" and "foreign interests," but as Bahamians battle each other over an ever-widening terrain, even on virtual socialscapes like Facebook, it is the Bahamian bourgeoisie, the ruling class, and foreign interests that benefit from this distraction.

Our leaders should be the ones fighting -- warring for our trust and confidence, crusading for our well-being. Until we demand that our government and the opposition speak to their value outside of the comfortable, staged events of political rallies and the "Real Politicians of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas" docudrama that is our parliament proceedings (divas, cat fights and all), those of us who the government should serve -- the people -- will find ourselves left fighting over whatever gets tossed our way. And sadly, at this moment, there's not much to go around.

Joey Gaskins is a graduate of Ithaca College, Ithaca, NY with a BA in Politics. He was born in Grand Bahama and is currently studying at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) where he has attained his MSc in Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies and has begun a Doctoral Degree in Sociology. Joey also writes for the Bahamas Weekly and the Nassau Liberal.

December 30, 2011

tribune242

Friday, December 30, 2011

It was not easy for men such as Sir Clifford Darling to challenge the old political order of the day, but through courage and perseverance they succeeded in making The Bahamas a better place

Respect and our nation builders


thenassauguardian editorial



Sir Clifford Darling

Countries and peoples demonstrate maturity, or lack thereof, when nation builders die.  In mature places men and women who were at war, politically, for years set aside rivalry and honor the successes of departed opponents.

In unstable places, places not at ease, there is pettiness and spite when the legacies of dead statesmen are analyzed.

Maturity was on display after the death on Tuesday of former Governor General Sir Clifford Darling.  Sir Clifford, the fourth Bahamian-born governor general, died at Princess Margaret Hospital at 89 after a long illness.

“His proud legacy will not be forgotten,” said Prime Minister and Free National Movement (FNM) Leader Hubert Ingraham in a statement.

“Sir Clifford’s passing brings to a close another remarkable career of an early nation builder and pioneer for equality.”

Sir Clifford had a decorated life in politics, which culminated when he was appointed governor general in 1992.  He had served as a Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) MP from 1967 to 1991.

In 1971, he was appointed minister of labour and national insurance and had oversight of the introduction of the National Insurance program.  Sir Clifford also served as a senator and as speaker of the House of Assembly.

In November 1957, Sir Clifford and a group of cab drivers blockaded and closed the airport in a bid to protest an exclusive deal the major hotels had with a taxi company, which resulted in a monopoly that excluded the taxi union.  The General Strike followed in January.

Perry Christie, leader of the opposition and of the PLP, noted the significance of the 1958 General Strike in the achievement of majority rule.

“Clifford Darling was a major figure in that political struggle as well under the banner of the Progressive Liberal Party,” he said.

Branville McCartney, leader of the Democratic National Alliance, also offered a note of respect on the death of Sir Clifford.

“Our nation is forever blessed to have birthed a true nationalist like Sir Clifford Darling,” he said in a statement.

“We, as leaders, could learn so much from his service and sacrifice, and should honor him by trying to mirror his great legacy.  Bahamians everywhere are eternally grateful to reap the fruits of his labor; I know that I'm one of them.”

All great men and women do much good and make quite a few mistakes.  When the historical record is written, the entire scope of work of historic figures should be analyzed.  What is important for the development and evolution of a young country is that we collectively keep the respectful, reasonable and fair tone, which was on display this week, when we speak of those who sacrificed much to build an independent Bahamas – be they PLPs, FNMs or even members of the old United Bahamian Party.

For our policymakers we must make sure that modern Bahamian history is taught as much as possible in our schools.  This history will help the next generation know what it took for us as a people to come this far and what it will take for us to go further in the 21st century.

It was not easy for men such as Sir Clifford to challenge the old political order of the day, but through courage and perseverance they succeeded in making The Bahamas a better place.

Dec 29, 2011

thenassauguardian editorial