Bastian Predicts Sweeping DNA Election Victory
By Macushla N. Pinder
jonesbahamas
Former parliamentarian Whitney Bastian may not have a crystal ball, but he is convinced he knows exactly how the next general election will play out.
The former South Andros MP predicts the newly formed Democratic National Alliance (DNA) party will become the next government of The Bahamas.
"The way things are going right now, I see the DNA winning at least 25 seats. It might be more than that. People say it is a wave moving. It is a not a wave; it is a tsunami," he said during a recent interview with the Bahama Journal.
"Everywhere you go, Bahamians, young and old, are trying to get something to identify with the DNA. I’ll even go to the extent to say take the green shirt off you. So, based on what I’ve seen over the last few weeks, this campaign will be one of the easiest campaigns I would have ever been involved in because this is a people’s movement. This is a different time from when those other guys formed their party."
According to Mr. Bastian, Bahamians are fed up with the governing Free National Movement (FNM) and the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP).
He claimed both political giants are only looking out for the chosen few in society.
"During our launch, we showed them that we can pull the crowds. And so, we are now number one. They (the FNM and PLP) are fighting for number two and three spots. We will win the next election and hence form the next government," he said.
"Over the next two to three months, my prediction will become clearer and clearer…People want change."
The DNA, which is the brainchild of former cabinet minister Branville McCartney, was officially launched earlier this month. Mr. McCartney claims that his party is the alternative to the two major political parties and not an alternative.
The party says it intends to run a full slate of candidates.
It has already unveiled its first 10 candidates, including Mr. McCartney, who hopes to retain his seat as the Member of Parliament for the Bamboo Town constituency.
Mr. Bastian said it is "just a matter of formality" before he is confirmed as the party’s candidate for South Andros, a constituency he represented from 2002 to 2007.
He lost the seat during the last election to PLP MP Picewell Forbes.
"It really doesn’t matter which tag I put on – DNA or a cat tag. They are prepared to support Whitney Bastian," he said.
"My love for Andros transcends any party name or affiliation because I was doing [a lot] before I got involved in frontline politics and I will continue to do for Andros and The Bahamas as a whole after frontline politics."
Mr. Bastian says he is confident that once given the DNA’s nomination, he would win his seat by an even larger margin than he did in 2002.
"I have been assured by the people that they will do this. While they try to tell me that they made a mistake, I said ‘no, you did exactly what you wanted to do at the time.’ And so, for the last four years, the people have been coming to me. I am confident they are not telling me any lies," he said.
"They have been coming to me, telling me, ‘Whitney, we are sorry for what we have done. We are now able to compare and contrast your representation with the present representation that we have….’ People have the confidence that I will be looking after their interest and I do have their interest at heart…"
There has been no word on when the next general election will take place.
But many Bahamians are viewing the decision to end the current voter register on July 14 as a surefire sign that it will not be long.
May 30th, 2011
jonesbahamas
A political blog about Bahamian politics in The Bahamas, Bahamian Politicans - and the entire Bahamas political lot. Bahamian Blogger Dennis Dames keeps you updated on the political news and views throughout the islands of The Bahamas without fear or favor. Bahamian Politicians and the Bahamian Political Arena: Updates one Post at a time on Bahamas Politics and Bahamas Politicans; and their local, regional and international policies and perspectives.
Wednesday, June 1, 2011
Tuesday, May 31, 2011
Rodney Moncur's Worker's Party dissolved... to join the newly formed Branville McCartney's Democratic National Alliance (DNA)
The Worker's Party dissolves to join DNA
By NOELLE NICOLLS
Tribune Staff Reporter
nnicolls@tribunemedia.net
THE Worker's Party dissolved its organisation yesterday after 35 years in politics, to join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance (DNA).
Leader Rodney Moncur said the party's membership is collectively migrating to the DNA "to respond to the call of the people of Elizabeth and, indeed, to the cry of voters elsewhere throughout the country for a single, united alternative to this FNM-PLP partnership.".
He said members of the party are ready to go to work.
"We have been in the field for over 30 years. We are mature men and women. There are no egos or hang ups. We are prepared to submit to a leader who will lead based on principle, based on the best interests of the nation. We are now ready to work and lock down," said Mr Moncur.
While campaigning in the Elizabeth bye-election, Mr Moncur said the party got the message from constituents that it would be good "if all the small parties could form a united group."
"We started hearing this joint dismissal of the FNM and PLP clearly in the Elizabeth bye-election in February 2010, when, for the first time in Bahamian history, a frightening percentage of the voters failed to show up at the polls leaving the hapless and embarrassed PLP and FNM to engage in a virtual dogfight, right down to the last vote," said Mr Moncur.
Mr Moncur said the nation was at a critical point in its political history, where for the first time, the Bahamian electorate are in a position to make a fair comparison between the FNM and PLP.
"Up until 1992, the FNM, in an independent Bahamas, had never been tried and tested in Government by the Bahamian people; and the PLP enjoyed overwhelming public support. So it was naturally impossible for any third party that would have been formed during those years to attract the support and build the capacity to challenge both the PLP and the FNM.
"By 2002, the Bahamian people had tried the PLP in Government for 25 years and in opposition for 10 years; and similarly the people had experienced the FNM in some form or other in opposition for 25 years and in Government for 10 years," said Mr Moncur.
"It was at that point that the serious evaluation of the two parties began to develop; it was at this point that voters for the first time could easily compare the two parties and their styles of governance," he said.
Mr Moncur said Hubert Ingraham and Perry Christie are "equally balanced", because they represent "the two sides of the Pindling coin."
"Christie is hopelessly indecisive, Ingraham is dangerously rash and impetuous. While Christie claims to be people-oriented and compassionate, Ingraham painfully demonstrates abrasiveness and an utter lack of compassion. Whereas Christie is prone to become bogged down in endless counsels and analyses, Ingraham crawls up high on the rock of stubborn pig-headedness," said Mr Moncur.
"Whereas Christie's Ministers were a wild and uncontrolled bunch, having little respect for him, Ingraham's Ministers are said to be cowering in fear as he shouts them down and makes them submit to his one-man, iron-hand rule," he said.
Mr Moncur lamented the decision of the Bahamas Democratic Movement and members of the National Development Party (NDP) for allowing themselves to be "wooed and swallowed up by the old guard, the hapless and hopeless FNM-PLP, instead of joining forces with the DNA".
The country has never seen such an "upheaval" and "deep-seated rupture in the electorate" since 1971, when the Free PLP was formed, according to Mr Moncur. This climate has allowed Branville McCartney to emerge as "a credible and capable alternative," said Mr Moncur. He said Mr McCartney is the "medicine that will cure the country of both Ingraham and Christie".
Mr Moncur lamented the fact that both the Bahamas Democratic Movement (BDM) and the National Development Party (NDP) allowed themselves to be "wooed and swallowed up by the old guard, the hapless and hopeless FNM-PLP," instead of joining forces with the DNA.
May 31, 2011
tribune242
By NOELLE NICOLLS
Tribune Staff Reporter
nnicolls@tribunemedia.net
THE Worker's Party dissolved its organisation yesterday after 35 years in politics, to join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance (DNA).
Leader Rodney Moncur said the party's membership is collectively migrating to the DNA "to respond to the call of the people of Elizabeth and, indeed, to the cry of voters elsewhere throughout the country for a single, united alternative to this FNM-PLP partnership.".
He said members of the party are ready to go to work.
"We have been in the field for over 30 years. We are mature men and women. There are no egos or hang ups. We are prepared to submit to a leader who will lead based on principle, based on the best interests of the nation. We are now ready to work and lock down," said Mr Moncur.
While campaigning in the Elizabeth bye-election, Mr Moncur said the party got the message from constituents that it would be good "if all the small parties could form a united group."
"We started hearing this joint dismissal of the FNM and PLP clearly in the Elizabeth bye-election in February 2010, when, for the first time in Bahamian history, a frightening percentage of the voters failed to show up at the polls leaving the hapless and embarrassed PLP and FNM to engage in a virtual dogfight, right down to the last vote," said Mr Moncur.
Mr Moncur said the nation was at a critical point in its political history, where for the first time, the Bahamian electorate are in a position to make a fair comparison between the FNM and PLP.
"Up until 1992, the FNM, in an independent Bahamas, had never been tried and tested in Government by the Bahamian people; and the PLP enjoyed overwhelming public support. So it was naturally impossible for any third party that would have been formed during those years to attract the support and build the capacity to challenge both the PLP and the FNM.
"By 2002, the Bahamian people had tried the PLP in Government for 25 years and in opposition for 10 years; and similarly the people had experienced the FNM in some form or other in opposition for 25 years and in Government for 10 years," said Mr Moncur.
"It was at that point that the serious evaluation of the two parties began to develop; it was at this point that voters for the first time could easily compare the two parties and their styles of governance," he said.
Mr Moncur said Hubert Ingraham and Perry Christie are "equally balanced", because they represent "the two sides of the Pindling coin."
"Christie is hopelessly indecisive, Ingraham is dangerously rash and impetuous. While Christie claims to be people-oriented and compassionate, Ingraham painfully demonstrates abrasiveness and an utter lack of compassion. Whereas Christie is prone to become bogged down in endless counsels and analyses, Ingraham crawls up high on the rock of stubborn pig-headedness," said Mr Moncur.
"Whereas Christie's Ministers were a wild and uncontrolled bunch, having little respect for him, Ingraham's Ministers are said to be cowering in fear as he shouts them down and makes them submit to his one-man, iron-hand rule," he said.
Mr Moncur lamented the decision of the Bahamas Democratic Movement and members of the National Development Party (NDP) for allowing themselves to be "wooed and swallowed up by the old guard, the hapless and hopeless FNM-PLP, instead of joining forces with the DNA".
The country has never seen such an "upheaval" and "deep-seated rupture in the electorate" since 1971, when the Free PLP was formed, according to Mr Moncur. This climate has allowed Branville McCartney to emerge as "a credible and capable alternative," said Mr Moncur. He said Mr McCartney is the "medicine that will cure the country of both Ingraham and Christie".
Mr Moncur lamented the fact that both the Bahamas Democratic Movement (BDM) and the National Development Party (NDP) allowed themselves to be "wooed and swallowed up by the old guard, the hapless and hopeless FNM-PLP," instead of joining forces with the DNA.
May 31, 2011
tribune242
[WikiLeaks] John Rood - United States Ambassador to The Bahamas: ...there seemed at times to be “two Fred Mitchells” — the polite and polished public Fred Mitchell and the more private, but more revealing Fred Mitchell
The Mitchell Files: What the Americans really thought
By CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com
THE NATIONAL REVIEW
In 2005, United States Ambassador to The Bahamas John Rood remarked that there seemed at times to be “two Fred Mitchells” — the polite and polished public Mitchell and the more private, but more revealing Mitchell, according to one of the cables in The Nassau Guardian’s treasure trove of diplomatic documents secured through WikiLeaks.
Because of his position as foreign minister for most of the years covered by the cables, Mitchell is mentioned in the documents more than any other person.
The view of Mitchell is a mixed bag.
One U.S. diplomat wrote of Mitchell, “He is one of the government’s sharpest and most active ministers.”
The cables expose fascinating, behind the scenes insights into how country-to-country diplomacy works, and in unpolished details, how the Americans truly viewed Fred Mitchell.
Their assessment was amazingly candid.
One embassy official wrote in one of the cables: “In public, FM Mitchell studiously avoids commenting on scandals and making overly-provocative speeches.
“A pretentious and intellectual man, he prefers to remain above the fray in these situations.”
Mitchell has a desire to be seen and heard in the international arena, wrote a diplomat in another cable.
In yet another cable, a U.S. embassy official claimed businessman Franklyn Wilson had “pleaded with us” to engage constructively with The Bahamas and support Foreign Minister Mitchell’s desire to play a more prominent role on the world stage.”
A U.S. diplomat observed in a 2004 cable: “Despite a life-long career as a politician in a country where politics is personalized to the extreme, neither kissing babies nor making small talk comes naturally to Mitchell.
“He prefers to deal with agendas expeditiously and then engage in philosophical discussions or reviews of international relations drawing on his seminars at Harvard’s Kennedy School.”
It is clear from the cables — and perhaps a surprise to no one — that Fred Mitchell almost single-handedly drove the country’s foreign policy during the Christie years.
His knowledge of world issues and events, his intelligence, ambition and trademark discipline have made him well respected in both regional and international circles.
He is at home on the world stage.
Today, as opposition spokesman on foreign affairs and the public service, Mitchell shows more interest and persistence as a shadow minister than any other colleague in the Progressive Liberal Party’s parliamentary caucus.
The Americans recognized these qualities in Fred Mitchell, although they seemed deeply concerned about the foreign policy stance on a number of issues, which he drove. In some ways, the Americans viewed Mitchell as unhelpful.
“His intelligence, work ethic, and undisguised ambition have made Bahamian Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell one of the three or four most powerful members of the Perry Christie government and a person of growing influence in the Caribbean,” observed a U.S. official in 2005.
“…Fred Mitchell is a Bahamian and a black nationalist.
“The public Fred Mitchell is polished, sophisticated, and smooth and with a skilled attorney’s ability to make commitments that commit to nothing.
“Mitchell’s ‘personalistic’, close to the vest operating style frequently leaves his own ministry in the dark about his motives, policies and actions.”
The cable said the foreign minister accepted that The Bahamas is located next to the world’s superpower while constantly seeking, in small ways, to play a mini-balance of power game to try to expand The Bahamas’ foreign policy options.
The embassy official wrote that Mitchell had been particularly unhelpful on certain issues, including Haiti and a wide variety of U.N. General Assembly votes.
“Mitchell sees CARICOM as a means to an end,” the official wrote.
“The Bahamas would have little to no influence in the internal sphere if it did not band with ‘its Caribbean brothers and sisters’.
“…Minister Mitchell believes that the only time the U.S. pays attention to CARICOM countries is when Washington needs something from the region.”
A diplomat also wrote: “Mitchell has developed a persona of an aloof and humorless, but highly intellectual and respected politician.
“Oftentimes, Mitchell appears to be in agreement with officials at meetings, and then expresses opposite opinions to the media or in Cabinet. He has aspirations of being an international player and future prime minister.”
But the diplomat predicted that Mitchell’s political assent would be hampered.
The official continued: “Mitchell is respected for his intellect, but not particularly well-liked — (not) even by the current prime minister (Christie).
“PM Christie has made snide remarks with reference to the dress and manner of the foreign minister in front of embassy personnel.
“Nevertheless, Christie trusts Mitchell, defers to him on all foreign policy matters, and often chooses him to represent The Bahamas at CARICOM heads of government meetings.”
ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
The Americans’ observation of Mitchell went past his role as foreign minister.
For instance, two days before the May 2, 2007 general election, Mitchell walked his constituency with a U.S. Embassy official at his side, a cable reveals.
Mitchell talked about local politics and the rigors of campaigning in what was shaping up to be a hot race.
According to the cable, Mitchell invited the embassy official to observe his campaign. To avoid any claim of favoritism, the diplomat also observed an unnamed FNM candidate campaign in a neighboring constituency, the cable said.
When he visited Fox Hill with Mitchell, the diplomat sat in living room after living room observing Mitchell’s interaction with voters, many of whom placed their many needs before the MP, the cable said.
“As we entered each voter’s formal salon, they proceeded to regale Mitchell with their problems,” wrote the embassy official.
“A few wanted to talk issues, but most were eager to petition Mitchell for help as a serf may have done when granted access to his feudal lord.”
The diplomat said in the cable that the voters clearly had the upper hand and knew it.
While it is unclear what Mitchell’s motive was when he extended the invitation, the constituency visit provided an opportunity for that official to conduct an extensive analysis of Mitchell the politician, and the American diplomat goes into remarkable details in his writings that followed the Fox Hill visit.
The diplomat documented what he perceived to be Mitchell’s frustrations on the campaign trail. He provides direct quotes attributed to the then foreign minister.
“This is Bahamian politics,” Mitchell is quoted as saying. “You want to talk about issues and they (voters) want to take whatever they can get.
“You want to help, you want to ease pain, and you must show that you care to get elected. But there is a line they want you to cross.”
The cable said a campaign worker acknowledged that the line is sometimes crossed: “People get bills paid, appliances are bought, cash changes hands. It happens, but we don’t do it.”
According to the diplomat, Mitchell openly complained that his role as minister of foreign affairs and public service put him in a particularly bad position during the campaign.
“Everyone wants a government job,” Mitchell is quoted as saying. “I wish I didn’t have the public service portfolio and I could tell them nothing could be done.”
The cable said: “Mitchell also acknowledged, however, that his public service portfolio was busiest during the campaign — taking him away from the road for hours a day as he signs for new perks and jobs.”
That cable — which was classified by then Charge d’Affaires Brent Hardt — says: “Mitchell is ill at ease with the personal interaction of grass-roots politics, but he balances this with cunning strategic planning, making his reelection uncertain and, as confirmed by his own maps, too close to call.”
The diplomat also observed: “Mitchell, not warm and sympathetic by nature, was obviously uncomfortable with deeply personal interactions with the voters. Outside their homes, however, he shined, engaging in detailed strategic discussions, planning neighborhood events and deftly directing campaign activities with staff.”
The embassy official wrote that the focus on the individual in campaigning carries over to broader Bahamian politics.
Mitchell, according to the cable, remarked to the diplomat: “Now you know why we can’t get to international agreements in Cabinet.
“We are too busy working on benches.”
He reportedly made the comment after a voter complained about the state of repair of public benches on her street.
On an earlier occasion, the Americans wrote about Mitchell’s frustrations with the level of efficiency of the Christie cabinet.
According to that particular cable, at a luncheon on March 29, 2004, Mitchell was asked by a U.S. diplomat about the status of ratification of the comprehensive maritime agreement. Mitchell reportedly indicated that the matter had to go to cabinet.
“Mitchell again wistfully mused about how the Bahamian cabinet decision-making process might be improved,” the cable said.
“He related that he had learned as a result of his CARICOM attendance that in other Commonwealth countries, debate and intervention on issues in the cabinet is restricted to their ministers whose portfolios are directly impacted by the issue, or ministers that assert fundamental issues of principle.
“In contrast, Mitchell intimated, the Christie cabinet of the Bahamas operates much less efficiently since any minister can intervene and express a view on any issue before the government.”
At a meeting with Ambassador Rood in March 2007, Mitchell expressed his frustration at the indecision in his own government stemming from the pending elections.”
“Mitchell cited the delay in signing the airport management contract and the delay in moving ahead with discussions on the Flight Information Region as two examples,” the cable said.
“He noted that if the elections had been called in November and held in December, the government would either be out of power already or be finished with the elections and able to govern effectively.”
A diplomat wrote in the 2007 cable that followed the Fox Hill visit: “Indeed, the Bahamian cabinet is notoriously overburdened, unable to ratify important international agreements or national policy items as it considers road paving, speed bumps (a voter favorite), stop lights and other issues important to the local population and vital for re-election.”
Mitchell claimed to have the race in Fox Hill locked up, but the cable said the embassy official’s glance at Mitchell’s shaded maps counting support home by home told the story of a very close race.
“Mitchell’s unease with personal politics cannot be helpful to him in The Bahamian system, but is likely balanced by his strategic planning and assistance of a dedicated campaign staff,” the cable said.
“In such a close race — common in The Bahamas because of the small constituencies and important role of swing voters — every vote counts.”
A separate cable said FNM Leader Hubert Ingraham had privately pledged to devote whatever resources it takes to defeat Mitchell.
“The fact that Mitchell now appears to be a target of his own senior staff — even staff that supports his party’s re-election — adds more credibility to the view that Mitchell may not keep his foreign affairs portfolio even if he and the PLP are able to win re-election,” an official wrote.
Commenting generally on the Bahamian election system, the diplomat wrote, “A well-meaning politician could easily be confused between legal attempts to assist those in need and illegal vote buying.
“A dishonest politician, of which there are more than a few in The Bahamas, has ample opportunity for corruption.”
The diplomat highlighted what he suggested was the need for national anti-corruption and good governance legislation.
The embassy official also noted that with small constituencies of only about 4,000 people, candidates know voters by name, and are expected to visit with each voter personally.
“The result is a democratic system that affords everyday Bahamians incredible access to government, and gives representatives intimate knowledge of the concerns and needs of the people they represent. In one sense, it is the classic model of Athenian democracy.
“However, the system creates sometimes irresistible temptations for corruption as needy residents base their votes not on national policy or constituency leadership, but who can put the most in their pockets.
“It also focuses politicians away from larger policy issues towards local minutia, which helps explain the sometimes frustrating lack of action within the Bahamas Cabinet on issues of concern to the U.S. and often to foreign investors.”
DIPLOMATIC BLUNDER
As part of their extensive analysis of Mitchell the foreign minister, the Americans in a 2005 cable reveal an alleged diplomatic blunder on Mitchell’s part.
According to the cable, visiting Israeli Ambassador David Dadonn — who was stationed in Mexico City — expressed dismay to the American ambassador and another embassy official during a private meeting that he had been unable to see Bahamian Prime Minister Perry Christie during his visit to the Bahamas.
“A clearly frustrated Dadonn complained to the ambassador that his meeting with the prime minister had been repeatedly re-scheduled and then cancelled,” the cable said.
“Dadonn’s problems are similar to those encountered by former Salvadoran President Francisco Flores in scheduling his February 14-15 visit to Nassau to promote his candidacy for the OAS Secretary Generalship.
“Flores first encountered difficulty obtaining a meeting time with the prime minister. Then, while he was airborne on his way to Nassau from El Salvador, the meeting was arbitrarily moved up to start prior to his scheduled landing time. In Flores’ case, however, the meeting eventually occurred and lasted about 45 minutes.”
The focus of Ambassador Dadonn’s unease, however, was his report of his February 14 meeting with Mitchell, the cable said.
“According to Dadonn, his Monday meeting with Mitchell was tense and abrupt,” the diplomat wrote.
“A ‘curt’ FM Mitchell, related Dadonn, entered the Foreign Ministry reception room for the meeting and proceeded to equate Israeli ‘oppression’ of the Palestinian people in the Gaza with ‘white South Africans oppression of the country’s black majority’ prior to majority rule.
“Dadonn told the [U.S.] ambassador that he felt, at this point, no option except to abruptly end the meeting and walk out after only about five minutes.”
The cable continued: “Apparently realizing what he had done, Ambassador Dadonn said FM Mitchell passed a message through the ministry’s number two official, Permanent Secretary Dr. Patricia Rogers, to the Israeli Consul in the Bahamas, Ralph Seligman, that any offense that he might have conveyed was ‘unintended’ and ‘regretful’.
“Dadonn said [Rogers] scheduled a meeting for the following day — one that lasted 50 minutes — during which the permanent secretary said that the minister’s views had been ‘personal’ and ‘did not reflect (Bahamian) government policy’.”
According to the cable, Ambassador Rood made the remark of the “two Fred Mitchells” when he was asked by Dadonn for his analysis of Mitchell’s behavior.
“The [U.S.] ambassador agreed with Dadonn that the Bahamas had not been helpful to the U.S. in several [United Nations General Assembly] votes this past year, citing the Sudan and anti-Israel UNGA resolutions.
“The [U.S.] ambassador also noted that the Bahamas continued to not be as helpful on Haiti as they could be considering the massive U.S. assistance provided to the Bahamas in illegal drug and migrant interdiction.”
The cable said: “The Israeli ambassador was clearly taken aback by FM Mitchell’s comments equating Israel with racist South African policies.
“He stated that such rhetoric isn’t even heard in the Arab world anymore…Mitchell’s candid outburst to the visiting Israeli ambassador probably reflects the ‘real’ Fred Mitchell much more than his deliberately calculated, polished ‘foreign minister’ image.”
BEIJING AND HAVANA
It their scrutiny and observations of Bahamian foreign policy, the Americans viewed closely the Bahamas government’s decision to establish an embassy in Beijing and to upgrade diplomatic relations with Cuba by establishing a resident Bahamian diplomatic presence in Havana.
When Mitchell sat down with a U.S. embassy official in 2003, he was asked about a recent extensive trip he had taken to China.
The official observed that Mitchell remained “closemouthed and uncommunicative”.
As rumors swirled in diplomatic circles that Prime Minister Christie was planning to travel to China as well, the British High commissioner to The Bahamas called a U.S. embassy official to report “that he found it strange that the trip had still not been announced”.
In the cable — which concludes with the last name of then Charge d’Affaires Robert Witajewks — an embassy official said the openings to Beijing and Havana were coming at a time of considerable budget constraints in The Bahamas.
“The government that is delaying salary increases and promotions for civil servants, and cutting back on public projects, apparently has decided that upgrading relations with Cuba and China is worth the expense,” the cable said.
“Certain members of the Christie government support FM Mitchells initiative out of either ideological sympathy, or pure balance of power reasons. Mitchell is doing this for both reasons.”
The embassy official wrote that it is difficult to imagine any concrete benefits to The Bahamas from establishing a closer relationship to Cuba.
“Ideologically, FM Mitchell and others in the Bahamian cabinet will also get psychological gratification from proving that they can conduct an independent foreign policy at odds with (their) superpower neighbor.”
The Americans noted that Mitchell is extremely knowledgeable about the Untied States, at ease in the United States, a frequent visitor to the United States, and accepts the reality of the United States.
“But he probably doesn’t ‘love’ the United States,” the cable said.
“...Like many colleagues in the PLP, he is most comfortable with, and has the most contact with liberals.
“He seeks to differentiate the Bahamas from what he sees as a neo-conservative militaristic tilt in U.S. foreign policy.
“China, Cuba, CARICOM, even the British Commonwealth are all, in Mitchell’s eyes, vehicles that could serve to somehow increase Bahamian freedom of action otherwise constrained by the geographical reality of being located less than 50 miles from the United States.”
The diplomat wrote that Mitchell thinks of himself as a policy intellectual and strategist on par with players of larger countries in the global arena.
“In his role as foreign minister, Fred Mitchell has been criticized for his excessive travel by the Bahamian public,” an embassy official wrote.
Today, Mitchell is again seeking re-election in a constituency he won marginally in 2007. A week ago, he formally launched his campaign.
As opposition spokesman on foreign affairs, he has sought to keep a close relationship with the Americans.
Whether he would see a return as foreign minister should the PLP be re-elected, remains unclear, especially in light of the views U.S. diplomats have expressed about his “unhelpfulness” in certain foreign policy areas.
5/30/2011
thenassauguardian
By CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com
THE NATIONAL REVIEW
In 2005, United States Ambassador to The Bahamas John Rood remarked that there seemed at times to be “two Fred Mitchells” — the polite and polished public Mitchell and the more private, but more revealing Mitchell, according to one of the cables in The Nassau Guardian’s treasure trove of diplomatic documents secured through WikiLeaks.
Because of his position as foreign minister for most of the years covered by the cables, Mitchell is mentioned in the documents more than any other person.
The view of Mitchell is a mixed bag.
One U.S. diplomat wrote of Mitchell, “He is one of the government’s sharpest and most active ministers.”
The cables expose fascinating, behind the scenes insights into how country-to-country diplomacy works, and in unpolished details, how the Americans truly viewed Fred Mitchell.
Their assessment was amazingly candid.
One embassy official wrote in one of the cables: “In public, FM Mitchell studiously avoids commenting on scandals and making overly-provocative speeches.
“A pretentious and intellectual man, he prefers to remain above the fray in these situations.”
Mitchell has a desire to be seen and heard in the international arena, wrote a diplomat in another cable.
In yet another cable, a U.S. embassy official claimed businessman Franklyn Wilson had “pleaded with us” to engage constructively with The Bahamas and support Foreign Minister Mitchell’s desire to play a more prominent role on the world stage.”
A U.S. diplomat observed in a 2004 cable: “Despite a life-long career as a politician in a country where politics is personalized to the extreme, neither kissing babies nor making small talk comes naturally to Mitchell.
“He prefers to deal with agendas expeditiously and then engage in philosophical discussions or reviews of international relations drawing on his seminars at Harvard’s Kennedy School.”
It is clear from the cables — and perhaps a surprise to no one — that Fred Mitchell almost single-handedly drove the country’s foreign policy during the Christie years.
His knowledge of world issues and events, his intelligence, ambition and trademark discipline have made him well respected in both regional and international circles.
He is at home on the world stage.
Today, as opposition spokesman on foreign affairs and the public service, Mitchell shows more interest and persistence as a shadow minister than any other colleague in the Progressive Liberal Party’s parliamentary caucus.
The Americans recognized these qualities in Fred Mitchell, although they seemed deeply concerned about the foreign policy stance on a number of issues, which he drove. In some ways, the Americans viewed Mitchell as unhelpful.
“His intelligence, work ethic, and undisguised ambition have made Bahamian Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell one of the three or four most powerful members of the Perry Christie government and a person of growing influence in the Caribbean,” observed a U.S. official in 2005.
“…Fred Mitchell is a Bahamian and a black nationalist.
“The public Fred Mitchell is polished, sophisticated, and smooth and with a skilled attorney’s ability to make commitments that commit to nothing.
“Mitchell’s ‘personalistic’, close to the vest operating style frequently leaves his own ministry in the dark about his motives, policies and actions.”
The cable said the foreign minister accepted that The Bahamas is located next to the world’s superpower while constantly seeking, in small ways, to play a mini-balance of power game to try to expand The Bahamas’ foreign policy options.
The embassy official wrote that Mitchell had been particularly unhelpful on certain issues, including Haiti and a wide variety of U.N. General Assembly votes.
“Mitchell sees CARICOM as a means to an end,” the official wrote.
“The Bahamas would have little to no influence in the internal sphere if it did not band with ‘its Caribbean brothers and sisters’.
“…Minister Mitchell believes that the only time the U.S. pays attention to CARICOM countries is when Washington needs something from the region.”
A diplomat also wrote: “Mitchell has developed a persona of an aloof and humorless, but highly intellectual and respected politician.
“Oftentimes, Mitchell appears to be in agreement with officials at meetings, and then expresses opposite opinions to the media or in Cabinet. He has aspirations of being an international player and future prime minister.”
But the diplomat predicted that Mitchell’s political assent would be hampered.
The official continued: “Mitchell is respected for his intellect, but not particularly well-liked — (not) even by the current prime minister (Christie).
“PM Christie has made snide remarks with reference to the dress and manner of the foreign minister in front of embassy personnel.
“Nevertheless, Christie trusts Mitchell, defers to him on all foreign policy matters, and often chooses him to represent The Bahamas at CARICOM heads of government meetings.”
ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
The Americans’ observation of Mitchell went past his role as foreign minister.
For instance, two days before the May 2, 2007 general election, Mitchell walked his constituency with a U.S. Embassy official at his side, a cable reveals.
Mitchell talked about local politics and the rigors of campaigning in what was shaping up to be a hot race.
According to the cable, Mitchell invited the embassy official to observe his campaign. To avoid any claim of favoritism, the diplomat also observed an unnamed FNM candidate campaign in a neighboring constituency, the cable said.
When he visited Fox Hill with Mitchell, the diplomat sat in living room after living room observing Mitchell’s interaction with voters, many of whom placed their many needs before the MP, the cable said.
“As we entered each voter’s formal salon, they proceeded to regale Mitchell with their problems,” wrote the embassy official.
“A few wanted to talk issues, but most were eager to petition Mitchell for help as a serf may have done when granted access to his feudal lord.”
The diplomat said in the cable that the voters clearly had the upper hand and knew it.
While it is unclear what Mitchell’s motive was when he extended the invitation, the constituency visit provided an opportunity for that official to conduct an extensive analysis of Mitchell the politician, and the American diplomat goes into remarkable details in his writings that followed the Fox Hill visit.
The diplomat documented what he perceived to be Mitchell’s frustrations on the campaign trail. He provides direct quotes attributed to the then foreign minister.
“This is Bahamian politics,” Mitchell is quoted as saying. “You want to talk about issues and they (voters) want to take whatever they can get.
“You want to help, you want to ease pain, and you must show that you care to get elected. But there is a line they want you to cross.”
The cable said a campaign worker acknowledged that the line is sometimes crossed: “People get bills paid, appliances are bought, cash changes hands. It happens, but we don’t do it.”
According to the diplomat, Mitchell openly complained that his role as minister of foreign affairs and public service put him in a particularly bad position during the campaign.
“Everyone wants a government job,” Mitchell is quoted as saying. “I wish I didn’t have the public service portfolio and I could tell them nothing could be done.”
The cable said: “Mitchell also acknowledged, however, that his public service portfolio was busiest during the campaign — taking him away from the road for hours a day as he signs for new perks and jobs.”
That cable — which was classified by then Charge d’Affaires Brent Hardt — says: “Mitchell is ill at ease with the personal interaction of grass-roots politics, but he balances this with cunning strategic planning, making his reelection uncertain and, as confirmed by his own maps, too close to call.”
The diplomat also observed: “Mitchell, not warm and sympathetic by nature, was obviously uncomfortable with deeply personal interactions with the voters. Outside their homes, however, he shined, engaging in detailed strategic discussions, planning neighborhood events and deftly directing campaign activities with staff.”
The embassy official wrote that the focus on the individual in campaigning carries over to broader Bahamian politics.
Mitchell, according to the cable, remarked to the diplomat: “Now you know why we can’t get to international agreements in Cabinet.
“We are too busy working on benches.”
He reportedly made the comment after a voter complained about the state of repair of public benches on her street.
On an earlier occasion, the Americans wrote about Mitchell’s frustrations with the level of efficiency of the Christie cabinet.
According to that particular cable, at a luncheon on March 29, 2004, Mitchell was asked by a U.S. diplomat about the status of ratification of the comprehensive maritime agreement. Mitchell reportedly indicated that the matter had to go to cabinet.
“Mitchell again wistfully mused about how the Bahamian cabinet decision-making process might be improved,” the cable said.
“He related that he had learned as a result of his CARICOM attendance that in other Commonwealth countries, debate and intervention on issues in the cabinet is restricted to their ministers whose portfolios are directly impacted by the issue, or ministers that assert fundamental issues of principle.
“In contrast, Mitchell intimated, the Christie cabinet of the Bahamas operates much less efficiently since any minister can intervene and express a view on any issue before the government.”
At a meeting with Ambassador Rood in March 2007, Mitchell expressed his frustration at the indecision in his own government stemming from the pending elections.”
“Mitchell cited the delay in signing the airport management contract and the delay in moving ahead with discussions on the Flight Information Region as two examples,” the cable said.
“He noted that if the elections had been called in November and held in December, the government would either be out of power already or be finished with the elections and able to govern effectively.”
A diplomat wrote in the 2007 cable that followed the Fox Hill visit: “Indeed, the Bahamian cabinet is notoriously overburdened, unable to ratify important international agreements or national policy items as it considers road paving, speed bumps (a voter favorite), stop lights and other issues important to the local population and vital for re-election.”
Mitchell claimed to have the race in Fox Hill locked up, but the cable said the embassy official’s glance at Mitchell’s shaded maps counting support home by home told the story of a very close race.
“Mitchell’s unease with personal politics cannot be helpful to him in The Bahamian system, but is likely balanced by his strategic planning and assistance of a dedicated campaign staff,” the cable said.
“In such a close race — common in The Bahamas because of the small constituencies and important role of swing voters — every vote counts.”
A separate cable said FNM Leader Hubert Ingraham had privately pledged to devote whatever resources it takes to defeat Mitchell.
“The fact that Mitchell now appears to be a target of his own senior staff — even staff that supports his party’s re-election — adds more credibility to the view that Mitchell may not keep his foreign affairs portfolio even if he and the PLP are able to win re-election,” an official wrote.
Commenting generally on the Bahamian election system, the diplomat wrote, “A well-meaning politician could easily be confused between legal attempts to assist those in need and illegal vote buying.
“A dishonest politician, of which there are more than a few in The Bahamas, has ample opportunity for corruption.”
The diplomat highlighted what he suggested was the need for national anti-corruption and good governance legislation.
The embassy official also noted that with small constituencies of only about 4,000 people, candidates know voters by name, and are expected to visit with each voter personally.
“The result is a democratic system that affords everyday Bahamians incredible access to government, and gives representatives intimate knowledge of the concerns and needs of the people they represent. In one sense, it is the classic model of Athenian democracy.
“However, the system creates sometimes irresistible temptations for corruption as needy residents base their votes not on national policy or constituency leadership, but who can put the most in their pockets.
“It also focuses politicians away from larger policy issues towards local minutia, which helps explain the sometimes frustrating lack of action within the Bahamas Cabinet on issues of concern to the U.S. and often to foreign investors.”
DIPLOMATIC BLUNDER
As part of their extensive analysis of Mitchell the foreign minister, the Americans in a 2005 cable reveal an alleged diplomatic blunder on Mitchell’s part.
According to the cable, visiting Israeli Ambassador David Dadonn — who was stationed in Mexico City — expressed dismay to the American ambassador and another embassy official during a private meeting that he had been unable to see Bahamian Prime Minister Perry Christie during his visit to the Bahamas.
“A clearly frustrated Dadonn complained to the ambassador that his meeting with the prime minister had been repeatedly re-scheduled and then cancelled,” the cable said.
“Dadonn’s problems are similar to those encountered by former Salvadoran President Francisco Flores in scheduling his February 14-15 visit to Nassau to promote his candidacy for the OAS Secretary Generalship.
“Flores first encountered difficulty obtaining a meeting time with the prime minister. Then, while he was airborne on his way to Nassau from El Salvador, the meeting was arbitrarily moved up to start prior to his scheduled landing time. In Flores’ case, however, the meeting eventually occurred and lasted about 45 minutes.”
The focus of Ambassador Dadonn’s unease, however, was his report of his February 14 meeting with Mitchell, the cable said.
“According to Dadonn, his Monday meeting with Mitchell was tense and abrupt,” the diplomat wrote.
“A ‘curt’ FM Mitchell, related Dadonn, entered the Foreign Ministry reception room for the meeting and proceeded to equate Israeli ‘oppression’ of the Palestinian people in the Gaza with ‘white South Africans oppression of the country’s black majority’ prior to majority rule.
“Dadonn told the [U.S.] ambassador that he felt, at this point, no option except to abruptly end the meeting and walk out after only about five minutes.”
The cable continued: “Apparently realizing what he had done, Ambassador Dadonn said FM Mitchell passed a message through the ministry’s number two official, Permanent Secretary Dr. Patricia Rogers, to the Israeli Consul in the Bahamas, Ralph Seligman, that any offense that he might have conveyed was ‘unintended’ and ‘regretful’.
“Dadonn said [Rogers] scheduled a meeting for the following day — one that lasted 50 minutes — during which the permanent secretary said that the minister’s views had been ‘personal’ and ‘did not reflect (Bahamian) government policy’.”
According to the cable, Ambassador Rood made the remark of the “two Fred Mitchells” when he was asked by Dadonn for his analysis of Mitchell’s behavior.
“The [U.S.] ambassador agreed with Dadonn that the Bahamas had not been helpful to the U.S. in several [United Nations General Assembly] votes this past year, citing the Sudan and anti-Israel UNGA resolutions.
“The [U.S.] ambassador also noted that the Bahamas continued to not be as helpful on Haiti as they could be considering the massive U.S. assistance provided to the Bahamas in illegal drug and migrant interdiction.”
The cable said: “The Israeli ambassador was clearly taken aback by FM Mitchell’s comments equating Israel with racist South African policies.
“He stated that such rhetoric isn’t even heard in the Arab world anymore…Mitchell’s candid outburst to the visiting Israeli ambassador probably reflects the ‘real’ Fred Mitchell much more than his deliberately calculated, polished ‘foreign minister’ image.”
BEIJING AND HAVANA
It their scrutiny and observations of Bahamian foreign policy, the Americans viewed closely the Bahamas government’s decision to establish an embassy in Beijing and to upgrade diplomatic relations with Cuba by establishing a resident Bahamian diplomatic presence in Havana.
When Mitchell sat down with a U.S. embassy official in 2003, he was asked about a recent extensive trip he had taken to China.
The official observed that Mitchell remained “closemouthed and uncommunicative”.
As rumors swirled in diplomatic circles that Prime Minister Christie was planning to travel to China as well, the British High commissioner to The Bahamas called a U.S. embassy official to report “that he found it strange that the trip had still not been announced”.
In the cable — which concludes with the last name of then Charge d’Affaires Robert Witajewks — an embassy official said the openings to Beijing and Havana were coming at a time of considerable budget constraints in The Bahamas.
“The government that is delaying salary increases and promotions for civil servants, and cutting back on public projects, apparently has decided that upgrading relations with Cuba and China is worth the expense,” the cable said.
“Certain members of the Christie government support FM Mitchells initiative out of either ideological sympathy, or pure balance of power reasons. Mitchell is doing this for both reasons.”
The embassy official wrote that it is difficult to imagine any concrete benefits to The Bahamas from establishing a closer relationship to Cuba.
“Ideologically, FM Mitchell and others in the Bahamian cabinet will also get psychological gratification from proving that they can conduct an independent foreign policy at odds with (their) superpower neighbor.”
The Americans noted that Mitchell is extremely knowledgeable about the Untied States, at ease in the United States, a frequent visitor to the United States, and accepts the reality of the United States.
“But he probably doesn’t ‘love’ the United States,” the cable said.
“...Like many colleagues in the PLP, he is most comfortable with, and has the most contact with liberals.
“He seeks to differentiate the Bahamas from what he sees as a neo-conservative militaristic tilt in U.S. foreign policy.
“China, Cuba, CARICOM, even the British Commonwealth are all, in Mitchell’s eyes, vehicles that could serve to somehow increase Bahamian freedom of action otherwise constrained by the geographical reality of being located less than 50 miles from the United States.”
The diplomat wrote that Mitchell thinks of himself as a policy intellectual and strategist on par with players of larger countries in the global arena.
“In his role as foreign minister, Fred Mitchell has been criticized for his excessive travel by the Bahamian public,” an embassy official wrote.
Today, Mitchell is again seeking re-election in a constituency he won marginally in 2007. A week ago, he formally launched his campaign.
As opposition spokesman on foreign affairs, he has sought to keep a close relationship with the Americans.
Whether he would see a return as foreign minister should the PLP be re-elected, remains unclear, especially in light of the views U.S. diplomats have expressed about his “unhelpfulness” in certain foreign policy areas.
5/30/2011
thenassauguardian
Monday, May 30, 2011
WikiLeaks, former Acting Commissioner of Police Reginald Ferguson, Politics and the Royal Bahamas Police Force (RBPF)
Ferguson wanted top cops dismissed
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable reveals power struggle in police force
Then Acting Commissioner of Police Reginald Ferguson in early 2009 told United States Embassy officials that he had recommended to Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham as early as November 2007 that all but one of the then assistant commissioners of police be dismissed, including now Commissioner Ellison Greenslade, according to a U.S. embassy diplomatic cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from WikiLeaks.
The February 2009 confidential cable revealed that the only assistant commissioner Ferguson thought should remain was Marvin Dames. Dames, who was subsequently made deputy commissioner in January 2010, is now leaving the Royal Bahamas Police Force (RBPF) to reportedly head the security division at Baha Mar.
According to the cable, Ferguson told embassy officials at that time that he flatly refused to work with Greenslade, “admitting that he had caused Greenslade to be sent to Canada for training.
“Ferguson bluntly stated that he does not favor Greenslade to become the next police commissioner, and said he wished to retain only Dames, whom he clearly favors as a future successor.”
When contacted about the cable, Ferguson said he had no comment.
“The acting commissioner is apparently against Greenslade for supporting an attempt late in the previous Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) administration to sideline Ferguson through a dead-end appointment to a position at the Police College,” said the cable.
“Ferguson's career prospects improved, however, after the Free National Movement (FNM) won the May 2007 elections (Ferguson’s brother, Johnley, is a high-ranking FNM party official).”
The allegation that Greenslade supported the PLP’s move of Ferguson was not substantiated.
Dames and Ferguson worked closely together for many years when Ferguson was the assistant commissioner with responsibility for crime and Dames was his number two as head of the Central Detective Unit (CDU).
Politics and the force
The constitution of The Bahamas politicizes the appointment of the executive command of the force. The prime minister, through various consultations, essentially appoints all assistant commissioners, the deputy commissioner and the commissioner of police.
In March 2007, shortly before the general election, the Perry Christie administration appointed a large number of new executives in the force.
Greenslade, Ruben Smith, Reginald Ferguson and Allan Gibson were named senior assistant commissioners.
Marvin Dames, Chris McCoy, James Carey, Kirkland Hutchinson, Eugene Cartwright and Juanita Colebrooke were each promoted to the post of assistant commissioner of police. At the time, John Rolle was deputy commissioner and Paul Farquharson was commissioner.
There was controversy when the Christie administration named the large number of assistant commissioners. Traditionally, there were around four to five assistant commissioners. Adding to the controversy was the decision to relegate Ferguson, one of the most senior officers in the force, to head the Police College. This command was usually held by a more junior officer.
There was tension between Reginald Ferguson and the then PLP government. It perceived him as an antagonist and a supporter of the FNM.
Reshaping the force
It is unclear if the moves made in the force were solely or partially made based on Ferguson’s recommendations or not, but nearly all of the assistant commissioners Ferguson reportedly recommended to be replaced were ‘retired’ from the force.
In January 2009, McCoy, Colebrook, Hutchinson, Cartwright and Carey all left the force, along with a group of other senior officers below the rank of assistant commissioner. Gibson and Smith had previously retired as senior assistant commissioners.
Dames and Greenslade, the two main candidates to be the next commissioner of police, had spent much of 2008 training in Canada.
“By sending Greenslade and Dames abroad, the new GCOB (Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas) avoided a potentially divisive succession struggle while developing the leadership capacity of two young up-and-coming officers in line with its drive to modernize the force,” said the embassy in the cable.
“It also avoided an untimely squabble with the new acting commissioner, who desired a free hand in making top appointments and made no secret of his preference for Dames over Greenslade.”
Despite Ferguson’s preference, he was not able to stop the ascent of Greenslade.
In January 2009, when the group of assistant commissioners was retired, Greenslade became the acting deputy commissioner and Dames the senior assistant commissioner responsible for Grand Bahama.
“Ferguson hoped to remain as acting commissioner for several years longer, which would also help him see his favorite, Dames, succeed him. He appeared resigned that it was politically impossible for Greenslade to be removed now,” said the February 2009 cable.
“Ferguson said the reason he was not officially named commissioner while serving for over a year was his refusals to back down from his view that all RBPF assistant commissioners serving when the FNM took office, with the exception of Dames, should be dismissed.
“He added that he doubted that Greenslade would be equally resistant to political pressure. In the end, the GCOB appears to have implemented one of the compromise outcomes floated by Ferguson (including to embassy officials): retaining the current police chief but positioning two possible successors in the next most responsible positions, giving both the opportunity to earn the trust of the force and the public before any successor is named.“
In March, one month after the cable was written, Ferguson was confirmed as commissioner of police. He held the confirmed post for less than a year, however. Greenslade was named commissioner and Ferguson retired in January 2010.
Ferguson was named director of the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU)after his retirement from the force.
Despite the rivalry in the force during this period, the Americans were pleased with Ferguson, Greenslade and Dames, according to the cable.
“Both Greenslade and Dames are regarded as forward-looking and capable officers with the potential to assume overall command of the police force in the future, despite differing personal styles,” the embassy said.
“Greenslade may have the edge in practical experience and rank-and-file support, having risen through the police ranks, as well as public support due to his success in Grand Bahama during a time when hurricanes ravaged the island. For his part, Ferguson is a respected, no-nonsense official who puts a premium on integrity and often speaks out against corruption – accusations of which do not taint him but may stick to others under his command.
“He also has a good relationship and solid track record of professional cooperation with U.S. law enforcement agencies.”
5/30/2011
thenassauguardian
Sunday, May 29, 2011
Fred Mitchell, opposition Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) spokesman on Foreign Affairs criticized The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the [WikiLeaks] United States Embassy in Nassau confidential cables
U.S. was unimpressed with new opposition
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable says PLP was concerned by claim U.S. favored FNM
The Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) sought to project the image of an energized opposition in a meeting with senior officials of the United States Embassy in Nassau shortly after it lost the 2007 general election, but the American description of the party after the sit down indicated that those officials were not impressed with the PLP.
The confidential cable, with the surname of then Chargé d'affaires Brent Hardt at the end of it, said the September 2007 working lunch was hosted by PLP leader Perry Christie and former Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell.
“The lunch, which emerged from a discussion Hardt had with Christie in the weeks after the elections, itself reflected the shortcomings of the PLP's governing style. The date and format was repeatedly changed at the PLP's request as they could not agree internally on a suitable date,” said the cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from the whistleblower WikiLeaks.
“Characteristic of the PLP, half of the 12 participants arrived late. And, while there was some substance in the discussions, the PLP seemed more interested in photographs and a press release of the meeting to signal their continuing good relations with the U.S.
“The party as a whole continues to have difficulty accepting their surprise electoral defeat, and the divisions that plagued the party during elections have become worse in the wake of the defeat, with blame for the loss usually being directed at Christie for his indecisive leadership style or at those ministers with scandals that tainted the party.”
According to the cable, Christie emphasized his party's commitment throughout its tenure in office to maintaining close relations with the U.S. and his desire that the U.S. continues to view the PLP as a trusted partner.
The cable said the PLP was concerned about a suggestion by the Free National Movement (FNM) after the election that relations with the U.S. were better under that party than they were under the PLP.
Referring to Christie, the cable said, “He noted that many PLP supporters felt that the U.S. had been ‘unhappy’ with the PLP prior to elections, and that this had had an impact on the campaign.
“The chargé d'affaires pointed out that whenever he had been asked publicly about the foreign minister's statement, (Brent Symonette) he had stated that we enjoyed outstanding relations with the current government and outstanding relations with the previous government.”
The Americans, according to this cable, emphasized that it was fortunate that in The Bahamas the major political parties both wanted “to have and be seen to have close relations with the U.S.”
After reviewing the highlights in bilateral relations during Christie's tenure, including agreement on mega-ports and container security initiatives and mutual support for the new Haitian government, “the charge reiterated U.S. appreciation for Christie's support for the close partnership we enjoyed,” said the cable.
Despite the assurance given to Christie and the PLP, in a confidential April 2007 cable, the embassy remarked that “the FNM would likely be a stronger supporter of U.S. international goals” while affirming that both parties were friendly bilateral partners.
PLP on policy issues
The September 2007 cable also said that the PLP was concerned that the U.S. was unhappy with the Christie administration because of perceived closer ties with Cuba.
“He (Hardt) explained that the U.S. understood The Bahamas’ need to work with Cuba to resolve migration matters and look after Bahamians who travel to or study in Cuba,” said the cable.
“At the same time, we sought to encourage democratic countries, such as The Bahamas, to use their relationship with Cuba to encourage Cuban government respect for the same values and rights that people in The Bahamas demand.”
PLP officials, according to the cable, also queried embassy staff on the incoming ambassador, Ned Siegel, the status of Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos (OPBAT), the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative, Haiti and visa issues, “even including some specific visa concerns on behalf of constituents,” said the cable of the meeting.
With the PLP having raised relevant questions about these numerous policy issues, it is unclear why the Americans concluded the meeting with such a mediocre view of the party’s performance.
PLP decries commentary on cables
Fred Mitchell, opposition spokesman on Foreign Affairs, issued a statement yesterday criticizing The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the cables.
Major international news organizations such as The New York Times, The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais and Der Spiegel have made the same decision as The Nassau Guardian to publish the cables.
In Jamaica, The Gleaner started publishing cables on that country one day before The Nassau Guardian.
“(Yesterday) morning in a drop box on its front page May 26, The Nassau Guardian is promoting the continued release of the gossip papers that they have obtained by WikiLeaks,” said Mitchell.
“In it they attack the PLP, repeating untested, unproven and hearsay statements about a meeting which allegedly took place with the PLP and the United States Embassy officials in Nassau in 2007.
“The information which they are promoting is certainly prejudicial and uninformed. In addition, it is incredible that a national newspaper of record in the face of the major issues of crime and unemployment would be engaging in the promotion of tattle tale gossip as if it were fact.”
Mitchell argued that the information contained in the “so called cables is almost certainly biased and skewed to reflect the current FNM propaganda of the day.”
He added: “The PLP remains focused on returning to government and seeking to put people back to work and to lessen crime. We urge The Guardian to get focused on what is actually happening in the country and not seeking to rehash untested gossip about what happened four years ago.
“The PLP is not the government today. The FNM is the government and they bear responsibility for the foreign affairs of this country and the state of this economy and the level of crime.”
The Nassau Guardian’s coverage of the cables has provided to The Bahamas historic coverage of the behind-the-scenes decision-making process between the U.S. and The Bahamas.
The cables cover the period from 2003 to 2010, mostly pertaining to the PLP’s period in power from 2002 to 2007. Stories published thus far have revealed opinions, held by both sides, of the bilateral relationship never before revealed to the Bahamian public.
The cables detail meetings the Americans had with PLPs, FNMs, fringe politicians, church leaders, businessmen, journalists, law enforcement officials, civil servants and many others.
5/27/2011
thenassauguardian
By BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com
Cable says PLP was concerned by claim U.S. favored FNM
The Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) sought to project the image of an energized opposition in a meeting with senior officials of the United States Embassy in Nassau shortly after it lost the 2007 general election, but the American description of the party after the sit down indicated that those officials were not impressed with the PLP.
The confidential cable, with the surname of then Chargé d'affaires Brent Hardt at the end of it, said the September 2007 working lunch was hosted by PLP leader Perry Christie and former Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell.
“The lunch, which emerged from a discussion Hardt had with Christie in the weeks after the elections, itself reflected the shortcomings of the PLP's governing style. The date and format was repeatedly changed at the PLP's request as they could not agree internally on a suitable date,” said the cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian from the whistleblower WikiLeaks.
“Characteristic of the PLP, half of the 12 participants arrived late. And, while there was some substance in the discussions, the PLP seemed more interested in photographs and a press release of the meeting to signal their continuing good relations with the U.S.
“The party as a whole continues to have difficulty accepting their surprise electoral defeat, and the divisions that plagued the party during elections have become worse in the wake of the defeat, with blame for the loss usually being directed at Christie for his indecisive leadership style or at those ministers with scandals that tainted the party.”
According to the cable, Christie emphasized his party's commitment throughout its tenure in office to maintaining close relations with the U.S. and his desire that the U.S. continues to view the PLP as a trusted partner.
The cable said the PLP was concerned about a suggestion by the Free National Movement (FNM) after the election that relations with the U.S. were better under that party than they were under the PLP.
Referring to Christie, the cable said, “He noted that many PLP supporters felt that the U.S. had been ‘unhappy’ with the PLP prior to elections, and that this had had an impact on the campaign.
“The chargé d'affaires pointed out that whenever he had been asked publicly about the foreign minister's statement, (Brent Symonette) he had stated that we enjoyed outstanding relations with the current government and outstanding relations with the previous government.”
The Americans, according to this cable, emphasized that it was fortunate that in The Bahamas the major political parties both wanted “to have and be seen to have close relations with the U.S.”
After reviewing the highlights in bilateral relations during Christie's tenure, including agreement on mega-ports and container security initiatives and mutual support for the new Haitian government, “the charge reiterated U.S. appreciation for Christie's support for the close partnership we enjoyed,” said the cable.
Despite the assurance given to Christie and the PLP, in a confidential April 2007 cable, the embassy remarked that “the FNM would likely be a stronger supporter of U.S. international goals” while affirming that both parties were friendly bilateral partners.
PLP on policy issues
The September 2007 cable also said that the PLP was concerned that the U.S. was unhappy with the Christie administration because of perceived closer ties with Cuba.
“He (Hardt) explained that the U.S. understood The Bahamas’ need to work with Cuba to resolve migration matters and look after Bahamians who travel to or study in Cuba,” said the cable.
“At the same time, we sought to encourage democratic countries, such as The Bahamas, to use their relationship with Cuba to encourage Cuban government respect for the same values and rights that people in The Bahamas demand.”
PLP officials, according to the cable, also queried embassy staff on the incoming ambassador, Ned Siegel, the status of Operation Bahamas, Turks and Caicos (OPBAT), the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative, Haiti and visa issues, “even including some specific visa concerns on behalf of constituents,” said the cable of the meeting.
With the PLP having raised relevant questions about these numerous policy issues, it is unclear why the Americans concluded the meeting with such a mediocre view of the party’s performance.
PLP decries commentary on cables
Fred Mitchell, opposition spokesman on Foreign Affairs, issued a statement yesterday criticizing The Nassau Guardian for reporting on the cables.
Major international news organizations such as The New York Times, The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais and Der Spiegel have made the same decision as The Nassau Guardian to publish the cables.
In Jamaica, The Gleaner started publishing cables on that country one day before The Nassau Guardian.
“(Yesterday) morning in a drop box on its front page May 26, The Nassau Guardian is promoting the continued release of the gossip papers that they have obtained by WikiLeaks,” said Mitchell.
“In it they attack the PLP, repeating untested, unproven and hearsay statements about a meeting which allegedly took place with the PLP and the United States Embassy officials in Nassau in 2007.
“The information which they are promoting is certainly prejudicial and uninformed. In addition, it is incredible that a national newspaper of record in the face of the major issues of crime and unemployment would be engaging in the promotion of tattle tale gossip as if it were fact.”
Mitchell argued that the information contained in the “so called cables is almost certainly biased and skewed to reflect the current FNM propaganda of the day.”
He added: “The PLP remains focused on returning to government and seeking to put people back to work and to lessen crime. We urge The Guardian to get focused on what is actually happening in the country and not seeking to rehash untested gossip about what happened four years ago.
“The PLP is not the government today. The FNM is the government and they bear responsibility for the foreign affairs of this country and the state of this economy and the level of crime.”
The Nassau Guardian’s coverage of the cables has provided to The Bahamas historic coverage of the behind-the-scenes decision-making process between the U.S. and The Bahamas.
The cables cover the period from 2003 to 2010, mostly pertaining to the PLP’s period in power from 2002 to 2007. Stories published thus far have revealed opinions, held by both sides, of the bilateral relationship never before revealed to the Bahamian public.
The cables detail meetings the Americans had with PLPs, FNMs, fringe politicians, church leaders, businessmen, journalists, law enforcement officials, civil servants and many others.
5/27/2011
thenassauguardian
Saturday, May 28, 2011
Branville McCartney - the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) credibility seems to erode the more he speaks
Branville McCartney's vanity party
By SIMON
FRONT PORCH
The press pass many journalists have generally given Branville McCartney is best understood with regard to the media’s perpetual hunt for ratings and sales, boredom and hunger for headlines, as well as its own ignorance of Bahamian history and often incurious nature.
But there is only so much of a pass the public can give the press in terms of the latter’s disregard for some of the basics of competent let alone good journalism. One story in particular from last week showcased the media’s laziness when it comes to providing the public with greater context.
In an interview for the NB 12 newscast, the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance claimed that his party started the same way as the PLP and FNM. Not only did the reporter fail to query such a bold claim during the interview, but there was also no post-interview fact-check of Mr. McCartney’s bogus claim.
There are various conclusions one may draw from Mr. McCartney’s bold and bogus claim. Either he was purposefully misleading the public or is stunningly ignorant of Bahamian political history — or both! Whatever the case, they all speak to the question of Mr. McCartney’s credibility, which seemingly erodes the more he speaks.
It may be the case that, stung by questions of the democratic pedigree of his DNA, Mr. McCartney is retroactively seeking to baptize his self-creation as legitimate in the eyes of voters.
TROUBLING
His response to the NB 12 reporter once again reveals troubling character traits of someone selling himself as a future prime minister. If Mr. McCartney knowingly was untruthful, this may suggest a cavalier approach to the truth and the facts, which he may not want to get in the way of the story he is trying to weave about himself as change agent and savior of The Bahamas.
If the man who has narcissistically and alternatively cast himself as Barack Obama, a young Lynden Pindling and a young Hubert Ingraham, simply got his history wrong, his comparisons with these leaders is laughable at best.
The self-portrait Mr. McCartney has painted of himself through his lacklustre contributions to debates in the House of Assembly, glib remarks generally and his maiden speech at the launch of his DNA is not a pretty one. They show him to be incurious and shallow both intellectually and in terms of basic history.
The other compelling problem for the man who purports to be a committed democrat is that he has already exhibited the tendencies of the maximum leader of a party being created in his own image and likeness.
One should always watch how things begin. Having launched his vanity party the way he has, one can only imagine how Mr. McCartney might react in the unlikely event he should gain real power. Instead of endless public relations exercises and stunts, Mr. McCartney might want to open and finish a history book, not to mention a basic civics class.
Queried about the genesis of the DNA, Mr. McCartney says that 13 people got together and made him leader. If one closes one’s eyes, one can almost imagine the scene in an upper room somewhere. With a little more imagination one might imagine a beam of light from the heavens, green of course, descending on Mr. McCartney as the chosen one.
NO WAY
The manner and circumstances in which the DNA was formed can in no way be compared with the manner and circumstances in which the PLP and the FNM were formed. Branville McCartney broke with the FNM with the principal motivation being that he wanted to be leader and prime minister.
Neither the PLP nor the FNM was a vanity party founded by someone who wanted to be a leader or prime minister, who then decided to create a vehicle to achieve that objective, as has been the case with the DNA and most of the so-called third parties that have come and gone over the years.
The PLP came into being following discussions among a number of persons who felt that the time had come for the introduction of party politics to the country as a means of expressing the collective will of the Bahamian people.
Two founders of the PLP, Cyril Stevenson and William Cartwright, travelled to the United Kingdom and Jamaica to consult with officials of political parties in those countries about the structure of modern political parties.
When the party was formed in 1953, Henry M. Taylor, who was then a member of the House of Assembly, was elected chairman by the founders and in 1954 Mr. Taylor and other officers were ratified by the convention. The PLP did not have a party leader until after the 1956 general election.
In that election Sir Henry lost his seat but stayed on as chairman. Lynden O. Pindling was among six PLP members elected in 1956 and he was at that time chosen to be leader. Later on, Sir Lynden for a while held both positions of chairman and leader.
In the case of the FNM, the Dissident Eight in 1970 expressed in a parliamentary vote their loss of confidence in the Leader of the PLP Sir Lynden. They were, however, reluctant to make a final break with the party to which all of them had given so much. In fact, at first they called themselves the Free PLP.
It was only after they were suspended from the PLP that they set about the task of bringing all the opposition forces together under the umbrella of a new entity — the FNM. That process took months and when it was finalized Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, who was recognized as leader of the Dissidents, was elected leader by the FNM’s Central Council and later by the Convention.
PANDERING
Mr. McCartney is shaping up to be a demagogue pandering to the fears, anxieties and frustrations of voters, more of which in a subsequent column. Demagogues are often the antithesis of the things for which they claim to be fighting. Despite having named his vanity party democratic, the democratic legitimacy and credibility of the DNA is dubious.
The PLP and the FNM emerged much differently than the DNA. They also successfully came to office, an outcome that is highly unlikely to be the case for Mr. McCartney’s vanity affair.
Mr. McCartney should be chary of those who are now boosting him out of temporary grievances, or long-term dubious theories about the great rise of independents and third parties. While there are increasingly nonaligned voters, the idea that they will help a strong third party emerge as a powerbroker is wearisome and has proved consistently wrong.
In that year’s general election, there was talk by some that 1997 would be the year of the independents. Not only was 1997 not the year of the independents, but that year the FNM got its largest popular vote ever.
There is a stark difference between educated analysis based on history, and wishful thinking as a substitute for analysis. Mr. McCartney would do well to quickly learn some basic historical facts, which are essential in proffering reasonable historical analysis.
frontporchguardian@gmail.com
bahamapundit.com
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
By SIMON
FRONT PORCH
The press pass many journalists have generally given Branville McCartney is best understood with regard to the media’s perpetual hunt for ratings and sales, boredom and hunger for headlines, as well as its own ignorance of Bahamian history and often incurious nature.
But there is only so much of a pass the public can give the press in terms of the latter’s disregard for some of the basics of competent let alone good journalism. One story in particular from last week showcased the media’s laziness when it comes to providing the public with greater context.
In an interview for the NB 12 newscast, the self-appointed leader of the Democratic National Alliance claimed that his party started the same way as the PLP and FNM. Not only did the reporter fail to query such a bold claim during the interview, but there was also no post-interview fact-check of Mr. McCartney’s bogus claim.
There are various conclusions one may draw from Mr. McCartney’s bold and bogus claim. Either he was purposefully misleading the public or is stunningly ignorant of Bahamian political history — or both! Whatever the case, they all speak to the question of Mr. McCartney’s credibility, which seemingly erodes the more he speaks.
It may be the case that, stung by questions of the democratic pedigree of his DNA, Mr. McCartney is retroactively seeking to baptize his self-creation as legitimate in the eyes of voters.
TROUBLING
His response to the NB 12 reporter once again reveals troubling character traits of someone selling himself as a future prime minister. If Mr. McCartney knowingly was untruthful, this may suggest a cavalier approach to the truth and the facts, which he may not want to get in the way of the story he is trying to weave about himself as change agent and savior of The Bahamas.
If the man who has narcissistically and alternatively cast himself as Barack Obama, a young Lynden Pindling and a young Hubert Ingraham, simply got his history wrong, his comparisons with these leaders is laughable at best.
The self-portrait Mr. McCartney has painted of himself through his lacklustre contributions to debates in the House of Assembly, glib remarks generally and his maiden speech at the launch of his DNA is not a pretty one. They show him to be incurious and shallow both intellectually and in terms of basic history.
The other compelling problem for the man who purports to be a committed democrat is that he has already exhibited the tendencies of the maximum leader of a party being created in his own image and likeness.
One should always watch how things begin. Having launched his vanity party the way he has, one can only imagine how Mr. McCartney might react in the unlikely event he should gain real power. Instead of endless public relations exercises and stunts, Mr. McCartney might want to open and finish a history book, not to mention a basic civics class.
Queried about the genesis of the DNA, Mr. McCartney says that 13 people got together and made him leader. If one closes one’s eyes, one can almost imagine the scene in an upper room somewhere. With a little more imagination one might imagine a beam of light from the heavens, green of course, descending on Mr. McCartney as the chosen one.
NO WAY
The manner and circumstances in which the DNA was formed can in no way be compared with the manner and circumstances in which the PLP and the FNM were formed. Branville McCartney broke with the FNM with the principal motivation being that he wanted to be leader and prime minister.
Neither the PLP nor the FNM was a vanity party founded by someone who wanted to be a leader or prime minister, who then decided to create a vehicle to achieve that objective, as has been the case with the DNA and most of the so-called third parties that have come and gone over the years.
The PLP came into being following discussions among a number of persons who felt that the time had come for the introduction of party politics to the country as a means of expressing the collective will of the Bahamian people.
Two founders of the PLP, Cyril Stevenson and William Cartwright, travelled to the United Kingdom and Jamaica to consult with officials of political parties in those countries about the structure of modern political parties.
When the party was formed in 1953, Henry M. Taylor, who was then a member of the House of Assembly, was elected chairman by the founders and in 1954 Mr. Taylor and other officers were ratified by the convention. The PLP did not have a party leader until after the 1956 general election.
In that election Sir Henry lost his seat but stayed on as chairman. Lynden O. Pindling was among six PLP members elected in 1956 and he was at that time chosen to be leader. Later on, Sir Lynden for a while held both positions of chairman and leader.
In the case of the FNM, the Dissident Eight in 1970 expressed in a parliamentary vote their loss of confidence in the Leader of the PLP Sir Lynden. They were, however, reluctant to make a final break with the party to which all of them had given so much. In fact, at first they called themselves the Free PLP.
It was only after they were suspended from the PLP that they set about the task of bringing all the opposition forces together under the umbrella of a new entity — the FNM. That process took months and when it was finalized Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, who was recognized as leader of the Dissidents, was elected leader by the FNM’s Central Council and later by the Convention.
PANDERING
Mr. McCartney is shaping up to be a demagogue pandering to the fears, anxieties and frustrations of voters, more of which in a subsequent column. Demagogues are often the antithesis of the things for which they claim to be fighting. Despite having named his vanity party democratic, the democratic legitimacy and credibility of the DNA is dubious.
The PLP and the FNM emerged much differently than the DNA. They also successfully came to office, an outcome that is highly unlikely to be the case for Mr. McCartney’s vanity affair.
Mr. McCartney should be chary of those who are now boosting him out of temporary grievances, or long-term dubious theories about the great rise of independents and third parties. While there are increasingly nonaligned voters, the idea that they will help a strong third party emerge as a powerbroker is wearisome and has proved consistently wrong.
In that year’s general election, there was talk by some that 1997 would be the year of the independents. Not only was 1997 not the year of the independents, but that year the FNM got its largest popular vote ever.
There is a stark difference between educated analysis based on history, and wishful thinking as a substitute for analysis. Mr. McCartney would do well to quickly learn some basic historical facts, which are essential in proffering reasonable historical analysis.
frontporchguardian@gmail.com
bahamapundit.com
5/24/2011
thenassauguardian
Whitney Bastian will run on the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) ticket for the South Andros constituency in the next general election
Whitney Bastian Joins DNA
BY KENDENO N. P. KNOWLES
jonesbahamas
A former independent candidate has announced that he will now join with the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) in its attempt to secure the government in the next general election.
Whitney Bastian told the Bahama Journal Tuesday that he will run on the party’s ticket for the South Andros constituency.
"I feel that the DNA and leader Branville McCartney are the best organisation I could align myself with this time around," Mr. Bastian said.
The political hopeful is no stranger to politics and served in the House of Assembly before as an independent Member of Parliament for South Andros.
However in 2007, Mr. Bastian lost his seat to Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) candidate Picewell Forbes.
When he was asked whether he would join any political party following his loss back in 2007, he insisted that he would run again as an independent.
But yesterday that seemed to have all changed with Mr. Bastian’s announcement that he will join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance.
Before DNA Leader Branville McCartney resigned from the Free National Movement (FNM), Mr. Bastian told the Journal that he was still prepared to run as an independent candidate in the upcoming general election.
Recently, Mr. Bastian expressed interest in running on the PLP’s ticket; however, he said, constant back and forth has created a strain in the relationship between him and the PLP.
According to Mr. Bastian, PLP Leader Perry Christie promised him the nomination for the South Andros constituency during the last PLP convention.
While that seat is currently held by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bastian insists that Mr. Christie was willing to give him the nomination.
It was an offer, he said, he could not accept right away. Instead, Mr. Bastian said he offered to help assist the PLP in reorganising the branches to get them up and running. This he said has happened in the space of the last year.
The branch elections have taken place and the new officers have vowed to support Mr. Bastian.
However, it’s been 10 months and the PLP National General Council has yet to announce elections for the South Andros nomination.
In fact, Mr. Bastian said a senior PLP official has since called and asked him to recommend a candidate and support the candidate the PLP chooses.
Mr. Bastian said he questioned the PLP as to why he was not good enough. He said the PLP informed him that there was still a lot of talk about him in the public domain.
This, he said, is what pushed him away from the PLP and closer to the DNA.
May 25th, 2011
jonesbahamas
BY KENDENO N. P. KNOWLES
jonesbahamas
A former independent candidate has announced that he will now join with the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) in its attempt to secure the government in the next general election.
Whitney Bastian told the Bahama Journal Tuesday that he will run on the party’s ticket for the South Andros constituency.
"I feel that the DNA and leader Branville McCartney are the best organisation I could align myself with this time around," Mr. Bastian said.
The political hopeful is no stranger to politics and served in the House of Assembly before as an independent Member of Parliament for South Andros.
However in 2007, Mr. Bastian lost his seat to Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) candidate Picewell Forbes.
When he was asked whether he would join any political party following his loss back in 2007, he insisted that he would run again as an independent.
But yesterday that seemed to have all changed with Mr. Bastian’s announcement that he will join the newly formed Democratic National Alliance.
Before DNA Leader Branville McCartney resigned from the Free National Movement (FNM), Mr. Bastian told the Journal that he was still prepared to run as an independent candidate in the upcoming general election.
Recently, Mr. Bastian expressed interest in running on the PLP’s ticket; however, he said, constant back and forth has created a strain in the relationship between him and the PLP.
According to Mr. Bastian, PLP Leader Perry Christie promised him the nomination for the South Andros constituency during the last PLP convention.
While that seat is currently held by Mr. Forbes, Mr. Bastian insists that Mr. Christie was willing to give him the nomination.
It was an offer, he said, he could not accept right away. Instead, Mr. Bastian said he offered to help assist the PLP in reorganising the branches to get them up and running. This he said has happened in the space of the last year.
The branch elections have taken place and the new officers have vowed to support Mr. Bastian.
However, it’s been 10 months and the PLP National General Council has yet to announce elections for the South Andros nomination.
In fact, Mr. Bastian said a senior PLP official has since called and asked him to recommend a candidate and support the candidate the PLP chooses.
Mr. Bastian said he questioned the PLP as to why he was not good enough. He said the PLP informed him that there was still a lot of talk about him in the public domain.
This, he said, is what pushed him away from the PLP and closer to the DNA.
May 25th, 2011
jonesbahamas
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