EVERY time I hear of the latest escapade of John Bercow, Speaker of the House of Commons in London... I think of dear old Alvin Braynen, the political enigma elevated to the Speaker’s chair by Lynden Pindling ...45 years ago

Disdain For Mr 'Squeaker'

MARQUIS at LARGE


By JOHN MARQUIS
tribune242


WHAT is it about Speakers of the House that makes them so pompous? First, there was Alvin Braynen of the Bahamas House of Assembly. Now there is John Bercow of the British House of Commons. JOHN MARQUIS reports...

EVERY time I hear of the latest escapade of John Bercow, Speaker of the House of Commons in London, I think of dear old Alvin Braynen, the political enigma elevated to the Speaker’s chair by Lynden Pindling 45 years ago.

Bercow – dubbed Squeaker Bercow by a columnist in the Daily Mail – is the little man with the very big ego who presides like a martinet over debates in the most hallowed parliamentary chamber in the world.

Since ascending to the Speaker’s chair two years ago, he has managed to upset almost everyone with his insufferable, self-preening pomposity, lambasting MPs from on high, glorying in his status as the parliamentary kingpin and attracting harsh criticism for his alleged political bias during debates.

Apart from former Labour prime ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, bumptious, bombastic Bercow is leading contender for the least enviable title in British politics – The Most Thoroughly Disliked Person in Westminster.

With his irritatingly officious manner, his peremptory treatment of colleagues, his palpable smugness and nauseating self-regard, Bercow is the kind of man everyone desperately wants to see fall flat on his face right in the middle of a nationally televised parliamentary procession.

With his towering wife Sally – an even more accomplished self-publicist than Bercow himself – Squeaker completes a double act of a kind rarely seen in the upper echelons of British politics. Little John and Long Tall Sally have become the biggest laugh in town. But not everyone sees the joke.

Bercow first drew attention to himself by refusing to wear the customary Speaker’s wig. Then he upset former Tory backbench colleagues by seemingly refusing to “see” them during debates, denying them the opportunity to speak.

More recently, he has been taken to task for being unduly harsh towards those not in his favour, and noticeably accommodating to those who are. He is often under the hammer for shouting down MPs he deems to be in breach of minor procedural niceties.

Last week, he was back in the news for allegedly patronising the Queen during an official speech, watched with growing discomfort and distaste by Prime Minister David Cameron, who is thought to detest Bercow with a passion.

To make matters worse, he referred to Her Majesty as a “kaleidoscope Queen”, leaving onlookers to ponder his meaning. Could it be that Elizabeth the Second was changing colour ¬– from white to pink to red to purple (with rage) – right in front of his very eyes?

If there is one thing Britain’s coalition government agrees upon, it is that this “appalling little man” – the term used in a Daily Mail headline – is sent packing as soon as the opportunity presents itself. The consensus is that Bercow is a disaster and therefore must go.

Now let’s flash back 45 years to 1967 when one Alvin Braynen was allowed to preside over the Bahamas House of Assembly for the first time.

He attained his lifelong ambition after throwing his seat behind Pindling when the major parties tied in the memorable election of January 10 that year.

Along with Labour leader Randol Fawkes, he – an independent – was in a position to tip the balance of power in the PLP’s favour if the inducements were attractive enough.

As we all know, one of Pindling’s strengths as a leader was his ability to tap into the egos of his supporters. He knew where all their narcissistic buttons were and exactly when to push them.

When Pindling phoned Braynen in search of his support, and began his conversation with “Good evening, Mr Speaker”, Braynen fell into his lap like a shot grouse.

Such was the vanity of the man, the soaring sense of self-importance, the irresistible desire for a place in Bahamian political history that he could barely wait to get into his sagging wig, black breeches, silken knee-stockings and buckled shoes to start lording it over the Assembly.

Braynen, you may recall, was an off-white son of The Current, Eleuthera, who was actually a UBP parliamentarian when I first arrived in the Bahamas in 1966.

He never quite fitted the image of the Bay Street Boys of the day, and never looked comfortable alongside the likes of Stafford Sands, George Baker, Roy Solomon and Foster Clarke, all UBP stalwarts with an unwavering dislike of the PLP.

His decision to contest his seat as an independent in 1967 surprised no-one. To his credit, his supporters forsook party allegiances and stuck with the man. It’s a decision many of them came to regret.

When Braynen backed Pindling over Sir Roland Symonette’s UBP, he earned his place in history and the eternal disapproval of his former parliamentary colleagues. It is literally true to say that, without his blessing, Pindling would not have been able to achieve “majority rule” at that time.

Thus, in one move, Braynen became a champion of the common man, a party “traitor”, and the ultimate symbol of parliamentary authority. The UBP misfit had “made it” in his own eyes to reach the one position he coveted above all.

What was obviously good news for Braynen proved to be bad news for me.

For no sooner had he attained high office than he was using his new found power to persecute the cussed young political reporter from The Nassau Guardian. I had the dubious honour of becoming the first journalist in living memory to be barred from House of Assembly proceedings.

At the time, the Guardian, then a fervent UBP supporter, felt mightly aggrieved over what they saw as Braynen’s betrayal of their cause. The paper seemed hell-bent on making him pay.

When Braynen, during one of his first parliamentary debates in the Speaker’s chair, asked the public gallery to talk “subduedly”, the Guardian’s leader writer of the day swooped on him like a falcon on a day-old chick.

Poor old Alvin, squinting myopically from under his wig, became known as “Subduedly” Braynen from that day forth, an insult he felt demeaned his office and besmirched the Assembly. He struck back with the full force of his newly-acquired authority.

When I turned up to cover the following week’s hearing, the sergeant at arms was waiting at the door to turn me away. I was, he told me, officially barred from covering proceedings until the Guardian had published a fulsome apology.

“Who says so?” I asked, knowing full well who was responsible.

“The Speaker of the Honourable House of Assembly,” he said.

Thus, Alvin Braynen began his career as parliamentary overlord by excluding an important segment of the Bahamian media from reporting the speeches of its readers’ elected representatives.

Irked by the Guardian’s insulting behaviour, Braynen became increasingly dismissive of the press as he presided over parliamentary affairs. Dislike of reporters became a common feature of his incumbency. Like Squeaker Bercow, he became more and more puffed-up with every pronouncement he made, strutting around like a wood pigeon in mating mode.

From the Speaker’s chair, his voice became noticeably more sonorous, his manner increasingly overbearing, and his self-importance embarrassingly more pronounced.

When I see Bercow hectoring MPs today, I am reminded of Alvin “Subduedly” Braynen, with his all-knowing asides from on high.

Does the Speaker’s chair create pompous men? Or is pomposity a prerequisite of the job?

Either way, Squeakers Bercow and Braynen used the position to imprint themselves on the public consciousness. It’s hard to imagine they would have done so in any other way.

tribune242

Caribbean Blog International

Many of the progressive dreams of Edmund Moxey and others were interwoven with the struggle for majority rule and became synonymous with the early Progressive Liberal Party (PLP)... It is telling, therefore, that the majority of those elected in 1967 as a part of the first PLP government eventually left the party... including Ed Moxey

Jumbey Village – Montage of a Dream Deferred

Front Porch

By Simon

Edmund Moxey’s contribution to the social, cultural, economic and political advancement of Bahamians found magnificent expression in Jumbey Village.  The new documentary on the creation and destruction of Jumbey Village chronicles some of our post-independence history.

Some of the dreams of Ed Moxey became manifest.  Still, many of his dreams were deferred, like a raisin in the sun, calling to mind the memorable poem by Langston Hughes.  In his book-length poem suite, “Montage of a Dream Deferred”, Hughes asks, What happens to a dream deferred?

“Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun?

Or fester like a sore– And then run?

Does it stink like rotten meat?

Or crust and sugar over– like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?”

Many of the progressive dreams of Edmund Moxey and others were interwoven with the struggle for majority rule and became synonymous with the early Progressive Liberal Party (PLP). It is telling, therefore, that the majority of those elected in 1967 as a part of the first PLP government eventually left the party, including Ed Moxey.

Over the years other progressives left, including Dr. B. J. Nottage who later returned to the PLP, and Hubert Ingraham who did not. The PLP today is a shadow of its progressive roots. Its core leadership is non-progressive and reactionary, constantly stymieing the progressives in the party.

The National Committee for Positive Action (NCPA) was formalized in 1959 as a pressure group within the PLP to bolster the party’s progressive agenda and the struggle for majority rule.  The NCPA proved successful in its efforts, playing a pivotal role in the electoral success of the PLP.

Yet, the group’s ambitions were greater than winning an election.  With the majority secured they intended to transform life for the mass of Bahamians.  Some of their ideals were secured by the PLP, such as independence, the creation of various national institutions and early strides in areas such as education.

Disillusioned

Still, many of the progressives in the PLP, including much of the core of the NCPA, became quickly disillusioned by the cult of personality emerging around Sir Lynden Pindling, which was antithetical to their vision of collegiality.  The progressives were also troubled over the foot-dragging on urgent needs such as the urban redevelopment of Over-the-Hill.

Jumbey Village and other community projects were a part of Ed Moxey’s dream for the economic, social and cultural self-empowerment of Bahamians.  The physical demolition of Jumbey Village was emblematic of many other progressive dreams which were destroyed and denied by a once progressive PLP that lost its bearings and became enamored of power for its own sake.

It is one of those twists of history that some progressive movements which uproot the reigning oligarchy begin to mimic the very system they replace.  The PLP began mimicking the culture of economic and political entitlement of the Old Guard.  Today’s PLP Black Knights are in some ways yesterday’s Bay Street Boys.  They constitute the new oligarchy.

The rump of the old UBP did join the nascent Free National Movement (FNM).  But the core leadership of the FNM were among the more committed progressives and even so-called radicals who sacrificed much to bring about Majority Rule.

The departure of the Dissident Eight left the PLP less progressive, more reactionary, and engulfed by Sir Lynden’s cult of personality.  One prominent observer and politician remarked at the departure of the Dissident Eight that the party was losing its soul.

The brain trust of intellectually-gifted individuals who left the PLP included men with impeccable progressive credentials and commitment to the movement like Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, Warren Levarity, Sir Arthur Foulkes, Dr. Curtis McMillan and Carlton Francis.  The haemorrhage continued with the culturally-inspired Edmund Moxey and peaked with the departure of Hubert Ingraham.

Over the course of its 25-year rule the PLP became stagnant in terms of its intellectual culture, policies and programs.  The dream of the urban redevelopment of Over-the-Hill died.  This included the innovative urban and infrastructural plans by Columbia University and others, as well as the urgent need to upgrade the sewerage system Over-the-Hill.

Much of today’s urban plight and blight is the consequence of the failure to act by successive Pindling administrations. There were some efforts, but no real plan for transforming the urban landscape of traditional grassroots neighborhoods.  When Sir Lynden left office after a quarter century there were residents Over-the-Hill still relying on outside toilets.

The Urban Renewal program of the Christie government included a number of good elements.  Still, the program was a hodgepodge of ideas dating to the administrations of Sir Lynden and Mr. Ingraham. Mr. Christie’s efforts were welcome. But they were neither groundbreaking nor truly transformative.

Reactionary

Perry Christie has not proven to be a progressive.  Worse, he has demonstrated a reactionary worldview.  He is an ardent supporter of the death penalty.  In terms of economic policy Mr. Christie seems stuck in the past with an outdated mindset for economic development.

He advocated the large-scale anchor project concept of a by-gone era including the outrageous Mayaguana land giveaway.  He agreed to give Baha Mar far more concessions than any Bahamian government should have countenanced.

Mr. Christie successfully campaigned to defeat the proposed constitutional amendment to secure equality for women in terms of automatically passing on a certain right of citizenship.  Yet when he had a chance to make this right he did not reach for a legacy.

And he failed to introduce National Health Insurance.  It would have been a landmark accomplishment for him and the progressive movement.  Though Mr. Christie once served as minister of health, it was an Ingraham administration that significantly advanced access to free pre- and post-natal care for pregnant women.

Nor did Mr. Christie advance any major infrastructural projects Over-the-Hill.  Following the recent massive water works a lower income senior citizen in her 70s remarked favorably about the clear water gushing out of her pipes.  She has lived in Grants Town her entire life and has always voted PLP.   She never thought she would live to see the day when she would get that kind of water pressure  and clean water in Grants Town.

She is thankful to the government.  But she will never vote for the FNM. Better said, she will never vote against the PLP.   The pull is visceral, almost religious in nature.  It combines the iconography of Sir Lynden as Moses and the theme of liberation from Exodus in the Hebrew Scriptures.

For some, the idea of voting against the PLP is a betrayal of their self-identification as a black Bahamian.  This individual and social psychology is not only a Bahamian phenomenon.

Dependency

It is a mindset that behavioral and social psychologists as well as political scientists and sociologists have studied in many cultures.  It often involves a cycle of dependency and strong identification by some with a strongman leader, powerful organization or power structure.

In failing to transform Over-the-Hill during its 25 years in office, the PLP in significant ways betrayed many of its core grassroots supporters.  It is an observable fact that both Sir Lynden and Perry Christie failed to significantly improve conditions in South Andros, and Centreville and Farm Road respectively over the many years they represented these constituencies.

This, despite serving in government for decades, and as prime minister.  It is in marked contrast to the work Prime Minister Ingraham has done to dramatically upgrade the public amenities and services throughout Abaco.

Though the PLP created important national institutions, it generally failed to do likewise when it came to national cultural institutions.  In the post-independence period when Bahamians were forming a greater sense of national and cultural identity, important cultural institutions were absent.

Such centers of critical consciousness and cultural expression are necessary for nation-building.  Their absence during that formative period helped to retard our national development.

It was not until the FNM came to office that core institutions such as the National Art Gallery, the Antiquities, Monuments and Museum Corporation, the National Museum, and the Centre for Performing Arts were launched.  There is much work to be done to advance the missions and the reach of these institutions.  But they represent impressive strides.

So too are ideas recently advanced by Mr. Ingraham including a heritage tourism initiative, a public arts project, a parks and recreation authority and an oral history project, ‘Our Bahamian Stories’.

These all contain elements of Edmund Moxey’s dream.  But his dream is bigger still. He understood early that a place like Jumbey Village could help us to raise our children and uplift the Bahamian people.

There is planned for Big Pond a regional park.  Might the plans for that park include elements of the original concept for Jumbey Village?  The best way to honor Edmund Moxey is not solely in tributes.  The better way would be to revitalize and institutionalize his dreams.

Though the fruits of some of his dreams were destroyed, the seeds of his vision are still alive and can bear fruit.  It is possible to transform a dream deferred into realized hopes.  But it is too bad that we had to wait for so much to explode around us before we remembered the vitality and the urgency of the dreams of patriots like Ed Moxey.

Apr 03, 2012

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

...in the face of a general election — I have decided to rate the Free National Movement's (FNM’s) best and worst Cabinet Ministers from 2007 to 2012... in Hubert Ingraham's Cabinet

Best of the FNM Cabinet

By ADRIAN GIBSON
 ajbahama@hotmail.com


IN this increasingly hyper-partisan and thorny political environment—in the face of a general election—I decided to rate the  FNM’s best and worst ministers from 2007 to 2012, measuring the  ministerial performances of each and rating them on a scale from one to  five. Last week’s YMV column listed the one-star, bottom-tier ministers who I felt had mismanaged the sky-high expectations of the Bahamian  people.

Although a mixed crew of personalities comprises the Cabinet, whilst  there are/were weaklings and acutely despondent, chronic underachievers  in the executorial assemblage, there are first-rate go-getters and hard workers who have given praiseworthy service.

Frankly, Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham will not be rated among his portfolio of ministers. I will discuss him and  his legacy at a later  date. However, he has offered firm leadership and has proven himself as a political Einstein who relies on good common sense and his political  capital during rough times.

Although he initially appeared shorthanded in terms of his Cabinet  selections, PM Ingraham seemingly projected the image of at least  having his glass half full. Consistent with his political DNA (no pun intended), the PM does not employ a reckless or impetuous approach to  the decision-making process, making concrete decisions so that the country could’ve battled the gloomy economic recession. Frankly, he has  had the political will to make unpopular, sober-minded decisions in the  best interest of the country.

By and large, PM Ingraham has correctly renegotiated land deals that  were out-and-out land grabs, modernised the country’s infrastructure, fostered the entrepreneurial spirit whilst also creating a shareholding  society, assisted the poor and downtrodden and brought some semblance  of transparency and integrity back to government, thereby heightening investor confidence and methodically exposing the ministerial inconsistencies of the previous administration. Moreover, the PM has effectively stabilized and managed the country’s affairs even as the country faced what, only a few years ago, seemed to be insurmountable  economic odds.

Undoubtedly, history will record him as the Bahamas’ best Prime  Minister thus far.

In rating Mr Ingraham’s best Cabinet ministers, I’ve decided to  utilize a tier system, placing the best of the best major portfolio ministers in tier one. Tier one represents those ministers whose  performances were absolutely outstanding whilst tier two represents those ministers who rendered “good-to-very good” performances.

 Tier One

The fifth best minister is DPM Brent Symonette, Minister of Foreign Affairs & Immigration. First, I must give kudos to Mr Symonette for  correcting the deplorable incidents of overcrowding at the passport  office and for quickly implementing machine-readable e-passports. In the past, I have criticised Mr Symonette as having performed grimly as a minister, however his effectiveness of late has been duly noted.

Unlike his former junior minister, Mr Symonette has been a quiet and smooth operator, never exhibiting any groundless braggadocio or  showmanship.

At Foreign Affairs, the DPM has been superb, having negotiated  numerous OECD-pleasing Tax Information Exchange Agreements (TIEAs)  without a hitch; facilitated an agreement that allows Bahamians to travel to European countries without the headache of signing up and waiting for a Schengen visa; overseen the speedy processing of immigration matters and the cessation of the silly practice where Bahamians returning home were required to fill-out an immigration form; supervised the smooth transition of Chinese workers coming to the Bahamas to build the stadium, roads, docks/bridges and BahaMar; and managed to foster the settlement of a maritime border issue between the Bahamas and Cuba after about 50 years (Paul Adderley, the former Attorney General, and others had been attempting to resolve the issue since king hammer was a hatchet). Under Mr Symonette, the illegal immigration situation was efficiently confronted, without him once having to impersonate anyone and don an immigration officer’s uniform.

Even more, there hasn’t been any escapes from the Detention Centre in recent time and, even with its infrastructural improvements, the Detention Centre is no longer seen as a residence—he has hurriedly facilitated the repatriation of illegal migrants.

Of late, Mr Symonette has seen to it that the immigration policies of the Bahamas have been enunciated and the immigration department has seemingly adopted a more proactive approach centred on deterrence.

Seemingly, the department has allotted resources to properly educating foreigners on legal ways to access this country—e.g. the campaign in Haiti.

Frankly, there seems to have been a deepening of trade relations between the Bahamas, Europe and North America and the creation of stronger alliances and a stronger commitment to addressing common issues, such as inter-jurisdictional crimes and drug trafficking. I would like to see better multilateral cooperation between small island states in the hemisphere on environmental matters, particularly since larger countries prefer dealing with smaller countries in blocs.

That said, Mr Symonette has been somewhat unfairly dogged by allegations of conflict of interest, particularly as it relates to the road works. This has not distorted his quiet consistency in his ministry and, moreover, he has represented the country well at diplomatic events.

Larry Cartwright, the Minister of Agriculture and Marine Resources and a Long Islander (home town boy!), has actively pushed the development of agriculture. He roars into the fourth spot. Mr Cartwright is an unpretentious, hands-on minister who participates in each project, from the planning stages to implementation. The outgoing MP for Long Island has, with limited resources, been progressively promoting farming and economic diversification alongside BAIC chairman Edison Key. Mr Cartwright and Mr Key have brought substance to BAIC and have made farming a real agenda item, as opposed to merely paying lip service.

During the past five years, the agriculture minister and Mr Key have been attempting to reverse 70 years of farm decline, whilst seeking to address inefficiencies in produce distribution and marketing and correcting the unfavourable shipping conditions that cause spoilage during transport.

Under Larry Cartwright, a fruit tree planting project – where two farmers were contracted to "moss" 15,000 persian lime plants and mango, avocado and sugar apple trees imported for sale to farmers at cost – was initiated; provisional greenhouses for schools and a school garden programme; implemented an embryo transplant programme; promoted agribusiness expos; implemented the backyard gardening initiative (with lessons and a start-up kit); purchased farm tractors for North Andros; established a weekly farmers market at GRAC; continued the "feeder farm" roads and land clearing programme for Family Island farmers, 50 per cent of which is subsidized by government; instituted duty exemption on all imported items being utilized by registered farmers and fishermen for job-related tasks; overseen the refurbishment of packing houses, the abattoir and the produce exchange in Freeport as well as ongoing renovation of the Produce Exchange on New Providence; established a fresh produce market on Gladstone Road; established marine protected areas in Abaco, the Berry Islands and Exuma; has pressed for legislation to regulate Cooperatives; has sought to ensure that fishermen and the Bahamas’ natural resources are protected from bald-faced poachers by seeking the engagement of the Defence Force in high priority fishing areas; has given new life to cottage industries and sought to empower entrepreneurs from island to island in to create an authentic Bahamian souvenir experience; and pushed for the passage of a new animal control bill to control stray and roaming animals and also sanction their owners.

Moreover, as a farmer himself, the minister's recognition of the urgent need to resurrect agriculture and fisheries has, in conjunction with FAO consultants, led to the creation of the first five-year development plan for agriculture and fisheries.


Overall, Mr Cartwright simply performed his job without much fanfare and did well.

Vincent Vanderpool-Wallace—Minister of Tourism and Aviation (MOTA)—has reinvigorated his ministry’s approach to marketing and developing our tourism product, boosting morale that was at an all-time low in the wake of Neko Grant’s disastrous reign whilst also recapturing and expanding upon market share. Mr Vanderpool-Wallace is a highly respected, regional tourism guru whose performance, particularly over the last two years, has breathed life into sluggish tourism numbers. He has advanced sustainable tourism, targeting new markets and nurturing wider market share—incorporating a focus on regional and Latin American tourism and airlift. I’m pleased to see that greater emphasis has been placed on deepening the Bahamas’ appeal to corporate, religious and sports groups as well as medical tourists.

In the past, I complained that there wasn’t any sustainable promotion of domestic and foreign tourism throughout the archipelago. I called for the promotion of the collection of islands as different, unique destinations and the minister has shared that vision and seemingly sought to focus heavily upon that.

Just this week, the tourism minister has virtually brought Bahamasair a new lease on life, having the MOTA and Bahamasair coordinate on tourism while restoring Bahamasair’s local/international credibility.


To the minister's credit, he has overseen the implementation of a 1-800 toll free line that is operated by Bahamians, created the Bahamas.com website, has revitalized and jumpstarted the BahamaHost programme and implemented a companion fly-free promotion to boost the tourism industry on the Out Islands.

Today, the redevelopment of Bay Street is another feather in the tourism minister’s cap, in addition to increasing airlift to the Bahamas during a recessionary period.

John Delaney, the Attorney General, comes in at number two as he has attempted to correct much of the malignant neglect of his office by previous office holders. Mr Delaney is an affable chap who has superbly managed and implemented an aggressive legislative agenda with a view to carrying out speedier trials and alleviating the backlog of cases in our molasses-like legal system. The administration of justice under John Delaney is on an upward spiral with progressively more suspected criminals being tried in 18-24 months.


Moreover, his administration has proposed and seen to the establishment of magistrates courts on various Family Islands, has overseen the construction of a remand court at the prison and has seen to the improvement of the courts' infrastructure and the administration of justice/legal system with the building and refurbishment of new court buildings (e.g. Nassau Street, Ansbacher building).

Competent justice initiatives have be undertaken since many violent criminals take comfort in knowing that a matter would likely not be brought to court or, after a considerable time lapses, that they would be granted bail.

Moreover, Mr Delaney has taken initiative relative to the recruitment, payment and tenure of judges; the recruitment and hiring of attorneys to quickly move criminal matters along and deal with issues such as trade reform; and, purportedly, offering incentives to a few experienced and brilliant local lawyers to leave their practices – even if shortly – to sit on the Bench.

He handled the squabbles within the AG's office, relative to the Director of Public Prosecutions saga, with dignity.


There is a tie for the number one spot—shared by Desmond Bannister and Dr Hubert Minnis.


Desmond Bannister, the Minister of Education (MOE), has shown humility and pureness of purpose in addressing the issues plaguing the education system. Once Carl Bethel was bounced from the Cabinet and Mr Bannister was given an opportunity to shine, he provided a morale boost from the ministry/department and, through worthwhile initiatives, is earning the confidence of the nation. He seems cool under pressure, exhibiting the political will to make tough decisions.

Who else was thinking about smoking out persons illegally registered to vote in a constituency in which they didn’t reside long before the general election? Mr Bannister had the guts to press for a cleaner register and decided that one doesn’t have to wait until after the election to go to the election court—instead addressing the issue pre-election.


Mr Bannister has brought much of the critical management needed to coordinate and bring the MOE to a point where the organization and its employees have strictly defined roles. Moreover, he has cleaned up corruption and eliminated the notion by certain high-ranking officers that they were running their very own little fiefdoms.


The minister is wisely carrying out early repairs and preparations for school openings in September. Indeed, there is also a need for the training and re-training of teachers. Frankly, the ministry must align the curriculum with the development needs of the country in order to imbue a strong sense of self, speak to nation-building, address the question of self-reliance and entrepreneurship, teach the Constitution, etcetera.

Mr Bannister has established a sexual complaints unit; a boys mentoring programme; implemented consistent standards for graduation ceremonies in all public schools; held a back-to-school parent seminar; sought to clearly define the grading system for national exams; revised guidelines for hiring new teachers; established scholarship programmes and increased scholarship awardees; conducted an in-house audit; and implemented cost cutting measures such as requiring staff to leave government vehicles parked at the Ministry after office hours. Mr Bannister has also followed through on his pledge to personally oversee school repairs and construction before paying a dime. Upon appointment, he met with security officers to address shortages and security concerns at schools.

During Mr Bannister’s administration, several schools have either been completed or refurbished.  Health Minister Dr Hubert Minnis is the other top minister sharing the number one billing. Dr Minnis has modernized and reformed the healthcare system in the Bahamas. Dr Minnis—one part of the M & M (Minnis & Maynard) election team—is also set to put an “Old Testament political beat down” on his challengers for the Killarney seat during the upcoming election.

I have personally found him to be an upstanding, man of his word.  The health minister has modernized the hospital, overseeing improvements at PMH and the Rand in Grand Bahama whilst initiating e-medicine, which is an innovative, technological advancement for an archipelagic nation where critically ill Family Islanders may be in dire need of immediate healthcare.

During his tenure, Dr Minnis effectively addressed disgruntled nursing staff and their union as well as issues such as insufficient supplies and equipment and medicinal shortages at the hospital's pharmacy.

Dr Minnis must be credited with instituting insurance for nurses, proactively tackling the swine flu epidemic, the remodelling at accident and emergency, renovations to the emergency room at the Rand Hospital (Grand Bahama) and generally showing an interest in PMH's staff and the wider public. He has also overseen the passage of a national prescription drug plan, which has assisted Bahamians with accessing much-needed medication.

Other pluses for Dr Minnis include the reduction of the infant mortality rate during his administration; the early detection of epidemics (dengue, malaria) and the ensuing immediate deployment of health professionals throughout the archipelago; and his encouragement of exercise and healthy lifestyles among citizens who are increasingly becoming overweight.

Tier Two

Lastly, the ministers in the tier two category are all good ministers. In this category, Works Minister Neko Grant (who has the distinction of being on both the best and worst lists), Minister of the Environment Earl Deveaux and Minister of Labour and Social Services Dion Foulkes make up the last of the FNM Cabinet’s brightest ministers.

The above mentioned ministers will be highlighted at the end of next week’s column, where I would offer my reasons as to why they make the list.


 Caribbean Blog International

...the six worst Cabinet Ministers who have served in Hubert Ingraham's Cabinet at some point in the last five years... 2007 - 2012

By ADRIAN GIBSON

ajbahama@hotmail.com

 THIS week’s column begins a two-part series that seeks to review the FNM’s Cabinet, rating the six worst ministers who have served at some point in the last five years and, in part two, evaluating the five top performing ministers since 2007.

 Frankly, following the 2007 General Elections, I thought that Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham was rather shorthanded, particularly since—as I said in a 2009 ministerial grading column—“he must contend with a few hopeless jokers in his boardroom, who seem out of touch with public sentiment and merely concerned with the pomp and trappings of high office, living in their world of fantasy.”  Although Mr. Ingraham has further diversified his Cabinet since then, there were/are certain ministers who, in my opinion, were/are not the ideal choices and who appear to have been mere space cadets. While there have been a few top-tier ministers, there have been others who, in my opinion, have mismanaged the sky-high expectations of the Bahamian people, some of them having wilted under pressure.

 Quite honestly, as I think over the last five years, there are some ministers whose feeble performances, lily-livered nature and wringing of hands should, in my opinion, have left them handcuffed to the backbenches of Parliament.  Frankly, there are those who have been mere talking heads—underachievers whose ministerial supervision has been mired in mediocrity, leaving one to wonder if they are mentally on a beach, building sandcastles and collecting seashells as opposed to rendering effective ministerial service.

 Sharing the title of fifth worst minister is Claire Hepburn (now Supreme Court Justice) and Sir Michael Barnett (now Chief Justice) for what was, at that time, equally pitiful performances as Minister of Legal Affairs/Attorney General (AG). Both Mrs. Hepburn and Sir Michael earned an I for incomplete or a QF for what appeared to have been a quick failure in their ministerial posts.

 During their terms, there seemed little to no tangible evidence of any attempt to hasten the alleviation of the overwhelming case backlog and hardly any notable legislative initiatives to advance the reformation of the judicial system.

 Frankly, during the tenures of Hepburn/Barnett (as AG), there was little to no improvement in the infrastructure or administration of justice/legal system, hardly any initiatives undertaken relative to the tenure and payment of judges, no new hiring and recruiting of attorneys to the AG’s office to deal with issues such as trade reform and criminal matters and little efforts made to incentivise lawyers to leave their practices and sit on the Bench. At that time, I felt that someone should have tickled them as both Mrs. Hepburn and Mr. Barnett had seemingly fallen asleep at the wheel.

 As the chief ministers of justice, both former Attorneys General did little to confront the deficiencies in the justice system and show that justice in the Bahamas is transparent. Frankly, both of the past Attorneys General scarcely made the public aware of any amendments to laws or the introduction of Bills to confront 21st century criminals. The then justice ministers both appeared to operate in a reactionary state.

  Moreover, I felt that there was not a resolute thrust for disciplinary action to be taken against corrupt attorneys, that there was no provisioning of additional resources for police prosecutors and that they were flawed in their failure to bring in or hire special prosecutors.

 All-in-all, Mrs. Hepburn’s/Mr. Barnett’s respective terms as AG was, in my opinion, abysmal.

 Fourth on the list of worst ministers is Neko Grant—primarily in his capacity as Minister of Tourism and Aviation. Mr. Grant was perhaps the worst tourism minister in modern Bahamian history. He performed dreadfully during his time at the Ministry of Tourism and Aviation (MOTA).

 It seemed a gross miscalculation to appoint Mr. Grant in the aforesaid portfolio as he appeared to be overwhelmed by such a difficult assignment. Under his leadership, sources told me that morale at the MOTA was at an all-time low and that the Bahamas had drastically lost market share.

 Mismanagement, coupled with the recession that occurred during the now Works Minister’s posting, had the Bahamas headed for its worst tourism year in seven or eight years and the worst summer in 10 years. Although other mitigating factors—such as the economic crunch in the US—was at play, the tourism yield appeared to have nosedived under Grant who seemed visionless and out of his depth.

  Former Minister of Lands and Local Government Sidney Collie roars into third place. Overall, Mr Collie was a flimsy minister who performed dismally and, in the face of a possible firing and reshuffling of the Cabinet, suddenly resigned in 2008. His term in office reminds me of a tired yawn.

 In June 2008, a court ruled that the proper processes were not followed in the run-up to that year’s constitutionally flawed, local government elections. This resulted in those elections not going ahead in nine areas.

 During his administration, Mr. Collie advanced no draft legislation to address and update the rent control act, land reform and price control.

 In a 2008 column, I wrote:

  “Having grown up on an island, I am also aware that local government has numerous deficiencies, including empowering certain persons in small communities to victimize or repeatedly grant jobs/contracts to a favoured few. This must be carefully monitored!”

 I see no evidence of where Mr. Collie took heed.

 Even more, what was perplexing is that whilst Mr. Collie was “Minister of Lands” in title, however the substantial land portfolio fell under the purview of the Prime Minister. Was that an indication of the PM’s lack of confidence in Mr. Collie’s abilities?

 Ranking second on the list of worst FNM ministers from 2007 to now is Carl Bethel, the former Minister of Education.

 Mr. Bethel, the smug and ostentatious former minister—now FNM chairman—has become the nowhere man of Bahamian politics, having been promptly dismissed on the convention floor during his party’s conclave and relegated to a permanent place on the political backbench.

 Whilst there may have also been some institutional encumbrances, Mr Bethel was a bellicose grandstander under whose leadership the Ministry of Education (MOE) appears to have floundered. During his tenure, the MOE was accused of being slow to react to charges of molestation against teachers. That said, I was reliably told that there was evidence showing where the Department of Education had attempted to suppress complaints against accused persons long before Mr. Bethel entered the hot seat.

 During Bethel’s term, there appeared to be no concerted effort towards educational and curriculum reform, no specific plan for the proper training of security personnel and no teacher-mentoring programmes were instituted.  Perhaps, one of the former minister’s greatest downfalls was the perception that he did not take advice and exuded a know-it-all air of pomposity that did not bode well in a community-oriented ministry such as the MOE.

 Bethel’s supervision at Education saw increasing incidents of school violence and the recording and circulation of school porn and school fights via YouTube to thousands of viewers. Unfortunately, a student was also killed on a school campus during that time.

 Due to Carl Bethel’s calamitous political record, particularly during his last posting at the MOE—of which he was publicly relieved by PM Ingraham—party insiders have expressed wonderment about his capacity to effectively run a concession stand.

 Hands down, the worst minister of the Ingraham government—circa 2007 to 2012—has been Tommy Turnquest, the Minister of National Security.

 When it comes to combating crime and implementing a much-promised strategic crime fighting plan, Mr Turnquest seems to be on Pluto. He lacks the common touch and, in the Cabinet deck of cards, seems a joker. At times, Mr Turnquest appears egg-heady and, even more, completely out of his depth—I thought his request for an Australian journalist to apologize for a documentary on the crime rate in the Bahamas was evidence of his cluelessness about the crime situation and the perceptions of Bahamians and visitors alike.

 

 Let me first say that Mr. Turnquest has politically matured and has become superb on the campaign stump this election cycle. His delivery is much more fluid and he has adopted a “take no prisoners” stance. He has also been a competent manager of Parliamentary affairs as leader of government business in the House of Assembly.

 That said, his term as National Security minister has been a long, stupendously ineffective blur. In his post, he seems a rank amateur, who appears one-dimensional in his directorial capacity.

 The fear of crime has risen as the populace has also lost confidence in Mr. Turnquest’s ministerial leadership.

 Whilst Mr. Turnquest cannot be held accountable for social conditions, what happens in people's homes or the fact that Bahamian society is becoming increasing amoral, the nightmare of street violence must be a political headache, as voters are increasingly becoming disaffected with the soaring crime rate. Crime is a looming economic threat and, undeniably, there is a need for a moral awakening in the Bahamas.

 Crime is spiraling out of control, yet Mr. Turnquest appears to have no feasible crime fighting strategy. Whilst the minister is great at quoting statistics, the level of criminality has degenerated to a point where prevention is nearly unheard of and Bahamians are now going to bed and waking up expectantly inquiring about the number and identities of the injured or murdered, rather than asking if someone was murdered.

 There must be greater, effective collaboration between the National Security Ministry and the Attorney General's office. The notion that sadistic criminals can be granted bail in record time—even with the recent amendments— and the fact that there's a case backlog, militates against the efficient and timely prosecution and sentencing of criminals.

 As Minister of National Security, Mr. Turnquest should have engaged in more hands on dialogue and reportage to the public, soliciting responses and an exchange of ideas about crime. The Commissioner of Police persistently notes the Police Force's efforts in pursuing community policing, but much more can be done to encourage community participation or to foster a partnership between the police and civil society (church, civic groups, social scientists, academics, etc). Today, residents in certain communities are apprehensive about sharing information with the police, as some claim that they have lost faith in the police holding their identities in the strictest confidence. Indeed, community policing can open the door for greater intelligence-gathering, particularly since the criminally-minded mostly commit crimes against persons residing within their communities. Furthermore, some police officers should immediately participate in desperately needed seminars in civility in order to heighten their obvious lack of interpersonal skills and decorum.

 In fighting crime, the seemingly defunct Urban Renewal Programme could have been revamped and utilized more effectively. In the past, the focus of the programme was merely on marching bands and police walkabouts, but it should be modified and used as a community mechanism to generate meaningful employment, teaching high school dropouts and training people for the workplace and entrepreneurial ventures.

 Moreover, greater incorporation of civil society in the national security conversation can offer solutions and foster dialogue among people with specialised knowledge.

 Does Mr. Turnquest truly have an appreciation for the level of social discontent associated with crime and his ministry's response?

 We are all waiting for a report of the workability of the ankle bracelets for alleged criminals out on bail?

 As I’ve said before, the entire prison should be razed. Fox Hill prison has structural issues that cannot simply be resolved by building on to the present, archaic structure. A new structural design must reflect the latest approach to incarceration, which implores that greater emphasis be placed on reform. That said, I do applaud Mr Turnquest for ensuring the construction of special courts at the current prison to facilitate speedier trials and alleviate the burden of transporting high-risk prisoners, on remand, from the prison to the courts in Bank Lane the usual dangerous and high speed manner. However, a new prison should, in the near future, be constructed on Andros or another island with tremendous land resources.

 The Broadcasting Corporation (ZNS), for which Mr. Turnquest is also responsible, needs further re-directing and large scale retrenchment. ZNS continues to be plagued by inefficient, antiquated programming that lacks in-depth investigation and research, needs upgraded and quality production and a systemic transition from analog to digital signals. Whilst ZNS has got rid of staff, there is no evidence of a serious transition to a true public broadcasting network.

 And why am I hearing accounts of ZNS reporters being muzzled and sanctioned for their pursuit of stories?

 On a positive note, Mr. Turnquest did oversee the purchase of equipment, vehicles and planes for law enforcement agencies and there has been a move to equip the police with technical facilities (DNA lab). However, based on my conversations with police officers of all political persuasions, one wonders if police officers are satisfied that they are suitably rewarded and protected (e.g. bulletproof vests)?

 Perception is reality in politics and it appears that Mr. Turnquest lacks the political will to read death warrants, ushering in the finalization of legal appeals so that convicted murderers can receive their court-ordered, just desserts. More could have also been done by Mr Turnquest to supervise the establishment of a witness protection programme to protect state witnesses who are being bumped off!

 Indeed, whilst there is no blame game for crime, the extent of Mr. Turnquest's national security experience is as an assistant bank manager.  After a tumultuous reign, Mr. Turnquest is undoubtedly the weakest of Mr. Ingraham’s major portfolio selections.

 There are also several other mediocre Cabinet ministers who are runner-ups on the list for the five worst ministers, namely: Minister of State for Lands and Local Government, Byron “Mr. Stealth” Woodside and Minister of State for Social Services Loretta Butler-Turner who, if I may add, is a very nice lady.

 Next week, the best of the 2007-2012 Ingraham Cabinet….

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