The Huns brutal style of property theft has been legally preserved in The Bahamas by the Quieting Titles Act 1959 and by the post 2021, Power of Sale, Section 25, provisions of the Real Property Tax Act (As amended)

The Legal Preservation of Property Theft in The Bahamas

Seeds of Anarchy - A Cape Coast Castle philosophy – The doors of death and no return

Public Statement

By Hon. D Halson Moultrie

Dated 28th June, 2026

In the days of Attila, King of the Huns from AD 434 until AD 453 he died in Hungary, “the scourge of God” as he called himself was visited upon Central and Eastern Europe.

The Huns are now extinct nomadic people but their brutal style of property theft has been legally preserved in The Bahamas by the Quieting Titles Act 1959 and by the post 2021, Power of Sale, Section 25, provisions of the Real Property Tax Act (As amended).

Despite world efforts to end land and minerals seizures by conquest, legal and psychological warfare has become the modern day modus operandi in forced takeovers and swift surrenders.

In Hunnic style, Attila the Hun, the most feared enemies of the Western and Eastern Roman Empires invaded nations and plundered weaker territories.

In similar fashion to fraudsters conspiring to use the statute laws of The Bahamas as instruments of fraud, by collusion with other sympathizers in his mixed confederated empire, through barbaric force and violence, deceit, recklessness and King’s edicts, Attila scoped out vulnerable countries and pillage territories, seizing land, personal properties and other assets.

The fraudsters of the Quieting Titles Act and Section 25, Power of Sale, provisions of the Real Property Tax Act are no different.

Nobody was safe from Attila’s evil and wicked wrath and today, in The Bahamas only the protected few benefit from and escape this corrupted environment.

Nowadays, legal and psychological warfare suggests that if someone wrongs you, it’s a done deal, the wrong has been executed; you have been notified, vacate what used to be your property and yield your rights to the wrong doer.

Take out an action to recover your property and/or rights from the wrongdoer in the same court that upheld the unlawful act that dispossessed you, and that refused to examine the legitimacy of the process or legality of the wrong doing.

In your ruined and dispossessed circumstance, return to that same court to for a decision to have your constitutional right not to be unlawfully dispossessed reinstated and for an order of repossession as the legitimate owner.

King Leopold ll of Belgium exploitation and extraction of the Congo’s minerals and assets in conjunction with his resultant mutilation of the Congolese people who accepted that false hope strongly advises that such an offer should be soundly rejected as preposterous and absurd.

Even under the threat of committal, historical experience demands a prudence to be an environmental thermostat; maintain the status quo and fight your ownership battles while in possession of your land rather than vacating your land and thereby accept the fraud by relying on the favourable discretion or decision of a corrupted environment and culture that established the mechanisms to dispossessed you.

This is especially so with the expectation and knowledge that the action to reinstate your possession will naturally be resisted by the corrupted system’s newly imposed possessor as the coconspirator takes and benefits from the spoils.

Like the Cape Coast Castle dark slavery illusion of Ghana, the beneficiaries of these fraudulent schemes build the mirage of a castle, present themselves draped in costumes ruler ship and honour as they function above dungeons of doom and death.

The acceptance of such a proposal only leads to the “door of death” and “door of no return”!!

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The Bahamas Prime Minister, Philip 'Brave' Davis and the Challenging Modern Day Mandate of 'Camelot' - Sanctioned by the Bahamian Electorate

Prime Minister Philip Brave Davis enters a modern-day 'Camelot' in The Bahamas - ordained by The Bahamian People

By Dr Kevin Alcena 

                            "Camelot"

The legendary kingdom of King Arthur, immortalized in history and literature as a symbol of justice, nobility, wisdom, and enlightened leadership.  At the heart of Camelot stood the Round Table, a revolutionary institution where every knight sat as an equal, regardless of rank, wealth, or social standing.  The Round Table embodied the principles of equality, consultation, accountability, and service to the common good.  Its mandate was simple yet profound: to ensure that leadership was exercised not for personal gain but for the advancement and welfare of the people.

In many respects, Prime Minister Philip Brave Davis enters a modern-day Camelot.  His administration has articulated a vision for national progress, economic empowerment, and social development that seeks to improve the lives of Bahamians.  Yet, as he embarks upon this new chapter, he must recognize that the highest calling of leadership is not merely to govern but to empower.  He must become a People’s Prime Minister—one whose policies, decisions, and aspirations are firmly rooted in the interests of the common man and woman.

Leadership has always been measured by service.  As Martin Luther King Jr. wisely observed, “Life’s most persistent and urgent question is, ‘What are you doing for others?’”  The essence of public office is not privilege but responsibility.  It is the solemn duty of a leader to uplift the lives of those whom he serves.

The Bahamian people now look to their Prime Minister to advance a bold and transformative national agenda.  Economic development must remain a central pillar of this vision.  The government must cultivate an environment in which entrepreneurship flourishes and innovation thrives.  Excessive taxation and unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles should not stifle ambition or discourage investment.

Instead, strategic tax exemptions and incentives should be implemented to encourage entrepreneurs, small business owners, and investors to create enterprises that generate employment, wealth, and economic opportunity throughout the nation.

A modern Camelot must also embrace the transformative power of technology.  Artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, and technological innovation possess the potential to revolutionize education, healthcare, governance, and commerce.

The digitalization of The Bahamas should not become an additional burden upon citizens and businesses; rather, it should serve as a catalyst for productivity, efficiency, and national competitiveness.  Technology must be harnessed to empower Bahamians, simplify government services, and unlock new avenues of prosperity for future generations.

The philosopher Voltaire understood the weight of leadership and responsibility.  As he famously stated, “With great power comes great responsibility.”  Leadership demands wisdom, restraint, and an unwavering commitment to the public good.  Likewise, Marcus Garvey declared, “A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.”  As The Bahamas advances into a rapidly changing world, it must preserve its cultural heritage and national identity while simultaneously embracing modernization and progress.

Prime Minister Davis would do well to draw inspiration from King Arthur himself.  Arthur’s greatness did not arise solely from his authority as king but from his capacity to unite diverse individuals around a common purpose.  He valued counsel, encouraged participation, and recognized that leadership was strengthened—not diminished—when others were given a voice.  Through the Round Table, he institutionalized consultation, fairness, and shared responsibility.  These timeless principles remain essential to effective governance today.

The significance of the Round Table extends beyond mythology.  It symbolizes the idea that every citizen deserves a seat at the table of national development.  It reminds leaders that wisdom is not monopolized by the powerful and that the most durable governments are those that listen to their people.  The transition from a good leader to a great leader occurs when leadership evolves from the exercise of power into the empowerment of others.

It is equally imperative to acknowledge the profound historical significance of Prime Minister Brave Davis’s electoral accomplishment.  In securing victory in two consecutive general elections, he achieved a feat that had not been witnessed within the Bahamian political landscape for twenty-four years.

Such an achievement is not merely an electoral triumph; it is a powerful affirmation of public confidence, political legitimacy, and national trust.  The Bahamian electorate has once again vested in him the authority and responsibility to guide the nation through an increasingly complex global environment.

This renewed confidence constitutes what may aptly be described as a contemporary Mandate of Camelot—a covenant between the government and the governed founded upon the principles of prosperity, justice, opportunity, and national advancement.

The electorate has entrusted Prime Minister Davis with the stewardship of the Commonwealth, expecting not only competent administration but visionary leadership capable of transforming challenges into opportunities.

Yet history teaches that great mandates are accompanied by even greater obligations.  Electoral success must transcend political celebration and evolve into meaningful action.

The true measure of statesmanship is not found in the magnitude of victory but in the magnitude of service rendered to the people.  Therefore, this mandate must be utilized to cultivate economic dynamism, stimulate entrepreneurial innovation, accelerate technological modernization, strengthen educational opportunities, and expand pathways to prosperity for all Bahamians.

The legendary King Arthur, whose authority was strengthened by the wisdom of the Round Table rather than the power of the throne alone, Prime Minister Davis must continue to govern through consultation, inclusion, and consensus-building.  He must remain attentive to the aspirations of ordinary Bahamians, ensuring that national development is not concentrated among a privileged few but distributed equitably throughout society.

If Camelot represented the dream of a just and prosperous kingdom, then the modern Bahamas can aspire to become its own Camelot—a nation where opportunity is abundant, leadership is accountable, entrepreneurship is encouraged, technology serves the people, and every citizen has a meaningful stake in the country’s future.

The Bahamian people have bestowed upon Prime Minister Davis a historic mandate.  The challenge before him is to transform that mandate into a legacy.  By embracing the principles of Camelot—justice, equality, consultation, innovation, and service—he can elevate his premiership from one of political success to one of enduring historical significance.  In doing so, he will not simply govern the nation; he will help shape a more prosperous, equitable, and resilient Bahamas for generations to come.

As King Arthur demonstrated centuries ago, true greatness is not measured by authority alone but by the ability to inspire, unite, and empower a people toward a common purpose.  The people have spoken.  The mandate has been granted.  The question now is whether this modern Camelot can fulfill its promise for every Bahamian citizen.

As Prime Minister Davis embarks upon this historic chapter, he would do well to remember the timeless words attributed to King Arthur: “The strength of the kingdom lies not in the crown, but in the people who wear its burdens and share its dreams.”

If he governs with wisdom, courage, compassion, and an unwavering commitment to the common man, then his administration may be remembered not merely as a government that won elections, but as one that transformed a nation, expanded opportunity, strengthened democracy, and elevated the aspirations of an entire people.

“Where there is no vision, the people perish; but where leadership is guided by justice, wisdom, and service, a nation prospers and its people flourish.”  May this Mandate of Camelot be remembered not as a moment of political triumph, but as the beginning of a golden era of national renewal, economic empowerment, and enduring prosperity for all Bahamians.

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Michael Pintard is the Free National Movement (FNM) Problem!

The FNM Has a Michael Pintard Problem!!!!

By James Julmis

The Free National Movement has many problems, but one sits at the centre of them all: Michael Pintard.

After another national rejection, the FNM can no longer pretend that its problem is messaging, timing, money, or machinery.  Those things matter in politics, but leadership sits above all of them.  A party can recover from bad strategy.  A party can recover from poor campaign planning.  A party can recover from division.  What it cannot easily recover from is a leader the public has already decided against.

That is the political burden Michael Pintard now carries.

The Bahamian people have listened to him.  They have watched him.  They have measured him.  They have seen him in Parliament, on the campaign trail, in press conferences, and in moments when serious leadership was required.  Their answer has been clear.  They have declined to follow him.

That is the hard truth the FNM must now face.

Pintard has struggled to connect with ordinary Bahamians because he often sounds like a man speaking at people rather than with them.  His politics feels rehearsed, distant, and overly calculated.  He talks about the people, but he has failed to make the people feel that he truly knows their daily lives, their pressures, their fears, and their hopes.

Politics is about trust.  It is about whether people can look at a leader and say, “That person understands me.”  With Pintard, too many Bahamians see performance without connection.  They see volume without warmth.  They see criticism without comfort.  They see ambition without a clear reason to believe.

This is why the FNM has a Pintard problem.

The party may want to blame the PLP.  It may want to blame the timing of the election.  It may want to blame the media, the voters, or the national mood.  But none of that changes the result.  The public looked at the choice placed before them and decided that Michael Pintard was unready to lead the country.

That judgment cannot be brushed aside.

The FNM must ask itself a serious question: if Michael Pintard could not persuade the country after years in opposition, after repeated opportunities to define himself, and after a campaign built around removing the government, what evidence is there that the public will suddenly see him differently?

There comes a point when a party must stop protecting a leader from political reality.

Pintard’s weakness is deeper than one election cycle.  It is about temperament, image, connection, and credibility.  He has never found a language that reaches beyond the FNM base.  He has never fully settled the question of who he is as a national leader.  He has never made Bahamians feel that he carries the emotional weight of the country.

That is why he remains limited.

The Bahamian people may disagree with the government on issues.  They may complain about the cost of living, crime, bureaucracy, and the pressure of daily life.  But disagreement with the government does automatically become support for the opposition.  The FNM assumed public frustration would be enough. It was wrong.

People may want better.  That does not mean they want Pintard.

This is the central failure of his leadership.  He has been unable to turn public concern into public confidence.  He has been unable to turn criticism of the government into belief in himself.  He has been unable to make the FNM feel like a government-in-waiting.

That is a personal political failure.

The FNM must now decide whether it wants to keep managing Pintard’s image or begin rebuilding the party.  It cannot do both.  A party serious about renewal must be honest about why the public pulled away.  It must listen to what the country has already said.

Bahamians have made their judgment.

They do not see Michael Pintard as the answer.

And until the FNM accepts that, it will continue to confuse movement with progress, noise with leadership, and opposition with readiness.

The FNM has a Michael Pintard problem.

The longer it denies it, the longer it will remain exactly where the Bahamian people have placed it: in opposition.

Source / Comment

Dr. Andre Rollins for FNM leader

The Free National Movement (FNM) needs New Leadership!

Rolling with Rollins for FNM Leader

By Dennis A. Dames

The blessed smoke of the 2026 general election in The Bahamas has officially cleared, and a lot about it is being heard quietly and vociferously here, there and everywhere.

The opposition Free National Movement (FNM) has some bold and popular adjustments to make - no doubt.  The main one concerns the party’s leadership moving forward to the next general election.  In my view, the entire present leadership of the FNM has got to go.

I have been intensely contemplating the question about the next leader of the FNM - the one whom I feel is the most fit and qualified among the elected members of the party.

I must testify that the good Lord moves in mysterious ways, as I wondered how Dr. Andre Rollins got that Long Island FNM nomination.  Now I have the gut feeling that Dr. Rollins is best fit for the new leader of the FNM.

Dr. Andre Rollins should be crowned FNM leader as soon as possible; and the official campaign for the next general election should immediately follow.

Indeed, search for and welcome more Lincoln Deal and Michaela Barnett-Ellis in the FNM front-line fold - and dump the dead weights without mercy and delay.

The Timing Question of The Bahamas 2026 General Election

THE BAHAMAS GENERAL ELECTION 2026 - CONSTITUTIONAL TIMING & POLITICAL REALITY: WHY NOW?

By Craig F. Butler

Let’s deal with this clearly and honestly.

If the House of Assembly first sat on 6 October 2021, then the constitutional position is straightforward:

• Five-year life of Parliament: ends around 5 October 2026

  

• Election window after that: up to 90 days

  

• Absolute constitutional outer limit: early January 2027

So let’s kill the noise:

- There is no requirement to call an election now.

  

- The Prime Minister had time well into late 2026, and even beyond into the constitutional window.

So why call it now?

This is where politics meets timing.  The national budget cycle is the real driver.

• Budget must be presented before July 1

  

• That means budget debate occupies June

  

• And budget debate is not light work—it is a full exposure of:

  – Government spending  

  – Overruns  

  – Travel expenditure  

  – Consultant usage  

  – Programme delivery vs promises  

In short:

A budget debate forces the government to account for everything.

The Strategic Calculation

If you:

• claim hundreds of promises delivered, and

  

• have areas of pressure (cost of living, crime, healthcare), and

  

• carry visible overruns (travel, operational spending, etc.),

then the last thing you want is a full month of structured parliamentary scrutiny immediately before an election.

Because that debate would not be campaign rhetoric.

It would be:

- numbers  

- line-by-line exposure  

- hard questioning on delivery vs claims

So the timing makes sense.  Calling the election before the budget cycle does three things:

• Avoids a prolonged public dissection of government finances

  

• Prevents the opposition from weaponizing budget details

  

• Keeps the campaign on narrative, not forensic accounting

Bottom Line

This is not about constitutional necessity.  This is about political timing.

The Constitution allowed more time.  The calendar created pressure.  The budget would have created exposure.

So the election is called before the numbers take center stage.

Understand the Constitution. Understand the calendar.  Then understand the decision.

Sunday April 12 2026 

Time 12:01 AM EST

Source / Comments

Voting Rights in The Bahamas

VOTING IN THE BAHAMAS: THERE IS NO ENGLISH-LANGUAGE REQUIREMENT TO VOTE

By Craig Butler, Esq.

Nassau, N.P., The Bahamas

There appears to be continued public confusion, and in some quarters active political misstatement, concerning whether a person must be able to speak English in order to vote in The Bahamas.

Let this be stated plainly:

There is no provision in the Constitution of The Bahamas requiring a voter to speak English in order to vote.  Voting rights in this jurisdiction are tied to legal eligibility, not language proficiency.

Under the constitutional and statutory framework, the relevant qualifications concern citizenship, age, and proper registration on the electoral roll.  A qualified voter must be a citizen of The Bahamas, at least eighteen years of age, and duly registered in accordance with the electoral law.  There is no separate constitutional or statutory condition imposing English-language ability as a prerequisite to the franchise.

That distinction is important.

The right to vote is not made dependent upon eloquence, accent, literacy style, or spoken fluency in English.  Any suggestion to the contrary is not a statement of Bahamian law.  It is political rhetoric masquerading as legal rule.

The Constitution does not condition citizenship-based franchise rights on language ability.  Nor does the Parliamentary Elections framework create such a bar.  The legal question is eligibility.  It is not linguistic preference.

Accordingly, any public claim that a Bahamian citizen must speak English in order to vote should be recognized for what it is: misinformation, political spin, or constitutional illiteracy.

This matter should not be clouded by emotion or opportunistic nationalism.  If there is to be public debate about changing the law, let that debate be honest and explicit.  But until such a change is lawfully made, the law remains what it is.

And what it is, is this:

Voting in The Bahamas is not language-based.  It is citizenship-based, age-based, and registration-based.

That is the legal position.  That remains the constitutional position.  And the public deserves clarity, not confusion.

Key Points for the Public

 • There is no English-speaking requirement for voting in The Bahamas.

 • Voting rights are tied to citizenship, age, and voter registration.

 • Claims that English proficiency is legally required are false.

 • Political opinion is not constitutional law.

Tuesday, 7 April 2026

10:18 PM

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The Corrupt Nature of Bahamian Politics in The Bahamas

Election Politics in The Bahamas: Who gets to eat - and who doesn't

By Craig Butler:

Bahamian elections are too often not about governance.  They are about access.

Access to contracts.  Access to appointments.  Access to the Treasury.  That is the sickness.

The winning party does not merely win office.  It gains control over how roughly $1 billion in public contracts is distributed.

And too often the real contest is not over policy; it is over who gets fed.

That is not nation-building.  That is budget politics dressed up as democracy.

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