UN urges halt to Haitian deportation
By TANEKA THOMPSON
Deputy Chief Reporter
tribune242
tthompson@tribunemedia.net
THE United Nations has issued a plea to the Bahamas not to deport Haitians due to the conditions which remain 18 months after the deadly earthquake.
The UN's refugee agency (UNHCR) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) appealed to the Bahamas – and other governments which have repatriated Haitians since the disaster – to extend measures which will allow the immigrants to legally remain outside their country.
Despite the call, Immigration Minister Brent Symonette said repatriations will continue as normal unless extremely dire conditions were highlighted in Haiti.
"Given the current situation in Haiti, UNHCR and OHCHR are urging governments to renew, on humanitarian grounds, residence permits and other mechanisms that have allowed Haitians to remain outside their country," said UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards at a press briefing in Geneva.
The UN said despite recent elections and ongoing reconstruction efforts, Haiti is still debilitated by the earthquake and cannot ensure adequate protection for some vulnerable returned citizens such as unaccompanied minors, disabled persons, people with health problems, victims of trafficking or of sexual abuse.
"The appeal calls on governments to assess Haitian cases on an individual basis and to pay special consideration and refrain from returning to Haiti persons with special protection needs, and to prevent situations where returns can lead to family separation," said Mr Edwards.
An estimated 680,000 earthquake survivors live in 1,000 tented camps in Port-au-Prince and other affected areas while an unknown number live outside Haiti, he added.
According to international reports, the recent appeal came after news that countries, including the Bahamas, Jamaica, Brazil and the United States were deporting Haitians.
Yesterday, Mr Symonette said the Bahamas' policy on repatriation remained unchanged and added that he did not know of any new developments that will impede the country from deporting illegal Haitian immigrants. Still the Government will continue to monitor the situation in Haiti, he said, and make adjustments to its immigration policy where warranted.
"When I return I will review the (UN's) declaration.
“Our stance has always been to uphold Christian values and not (repatriate) in situations that would be inhumane, but there has been nothing that happened yesterday or today which would have necessitated this issue," said Mr Symonette who is in Jamaica for a meeting with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
"We will continue to review the situation in Haiti, we will be in contact with our ambassador on the ground in Haiti and I will discuss the matter further with the Haitian ambassador here," said the St Anne's MP.
Returns of illegal Haitian immigrants will continue in the meantime.
"The detention centre is not at the state in the moment to require repatriation.
“If for instance we find a vessel with 90 people on board in Inagua the situation will be reviewed at that point and more than likely those people will be repatriated, all things being equal," said the minister.
The Bahamas briefly suspended round-ups and repatriation of illegal Haitian immigrants after the January, 2010, earthquake which killed nearly 300,000 people and left hundreds of thousands homeless.
The US deported 375 Haitians in the 2010 fiscal year, which ended in September, after a short suspension following the earthquake.
The country has said it plans to deport approximately 700 immigrants with criminal records to Haiti this year.
June 23, 2011
tribune242
A political blog about Bahamian politics in The Bahamas, Bahamian Politicans - and the entire Bahamas political lot. Bahamian Blogger Dennis Dames keeps you updated on the political news and views throughout the islands of The Bahamas without fear or favor. Bahamian Politicians and the Bahamian Political Arena: Updates one Post at a time on Bahamas Politics and Bahamas Politicans; and their local, regional and international policies and perspectives.
Showing posts with label Haitian immigrants Bahamas. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Haitian immigrants Bahamas. Show all posts
Thursday, June 23, 2011
Monday, February 7, 2011
We need a new paradigm in The Bahamas to govern our relationship with Haiti and Haitians
What we resist will persist: The quiet Haitian revolution
By NOELLE NICOLLS
Tribune Staff Reporter
nnicolls@tribunemedia.net
PEOPLE say I am Haitian. They call me a Haitian sympathiser. They even question my patriotism. Their biggest mistake is they think I care either way. I have no insecurities about my identity or my affinity to Haiti.
I recall once upon a time people used to say black is beastly. Thankfully today is another day. In my time, black is beautiful and being Haitian is no shame. So call me what you may, call me what you might, my conviction will not change. Somehow through the thicket of our discontent as a nation, we need a new paradigm to govern our relationship with Haiti and Haitians.
I know most Bahamians can relate to a time as a child when all reason was replaced with rage, and the end result was a temper tantrum. Imagine that one occasion when a moment of stillness emerged after the tears subsided. In that moment, your mother, who did not budge through it all, may have spoken these words: "Finished? Can we go now?" And as if enlightened by divine favour, you began to see with new eyes. Often I wish a moment of calm like that would sweep the collective consciousness of Bahamians, so we would stop the childish hysterics and really start to solve our problems.
Let us imagine for a second that this is that moment and I am the mother. And let us assume for argument's sake that we have new eyes. This is what I would have you contemplate next.
With all the money, time and passion thrown at dealing with the "Haitian problem", have we got anywhere? Last week I contemplated that there is a better way: It requires less money, less resources and fewer headaches, but it is infinitely more difficult, but only because it requires a mental shift.
Last week I examined the Bahamas' unexplored and underdeveloped economic interest in Haiti. I reasoned that the Bahamians had concerns about a scarcity of resources, the security of our people and the sovereignty of our nation. To advance the conversation let us explore the concern about our national sovereignty.
A Tribune242 reader in response to "Time to stop prostituting Haitians", wanted to know if I was advocating the government "halt deportation, because the only thing that would do is send a green light to Haitians that the Bahamas wants them to come". The reader said Miami is a case study of what would be the result.
There are a few things that need to be said. Haitians have never needed a "green light" to come to the Bahamas. We market ourselves around the world with the message that "it's better in the Bahamas." Haitians have reasons to believe that is true. There is a greater probability of dying in Haiti before age 40 than there is in the Bahamas, according to the United Nations Human Development Report of 2005. In Haiti, 65 per cent of the population lives below the income poverty line, unlike the Bahamas with only 9 per cent.
No, I am not saying halt deportation. The Department of Immigration has a role to play, but based on the nature of the beast, it is a limited one. The past decades of raids, deportation and immigration policies have shown us how futile our single-minded strategy has been. Haitians risk the peril of death and the certainty of being marginalized for the chance of opportunity in the Bahamas. How do you really compete against that?
The Department of Immigration has a role to play, but it does not have the power to stop Haitian immigrants from leaving Haiti's shores; to prevent some of them from entering; or to stop Bahamians from exercising their will to hire Haitians, whether legally or illegally.
I am saying: Raids in the order of Thursday night's Fox Hill raid serve no useful purpose. One eyewitness told me of the raid and said they took people out of their homes and beat them for no reason. One person was left red from all the blood that covered his clothes and body. It was like they just took their pent up frustration out on a few random Haitians.
Let us be reminded, as another Tribune242 reader said: "They are not just 'Haitians' or 'foreigners', but each has a face, a name and an identity (like YOU and ME), a story to tell (like YOU and ME) and struggles, pain and heartaches to overcome (like YOU and ME). Where is our compassion for others?"
I am also saying: It is because we force Haitian immigrants into the margins of our society that we create a whole host of counter-productive and self-defeating problems: Squatter communities and marginalised youth, to name a few.
The reader feared a Miami-like situation emerging in the Bahamas, where "the language and culture of the city has been completely taken over by Cubans so much so that you are looked at funny if you can't speak Spanish." Theoretically I suppose this is a risk Bahamians may need to take, but aren't risks a part of life?
There is a universal lesson to learn from the South Florida immigrant population, comprised mainly of people of Latin American descent. South Florida is a handy card to draw to stoke fears, but its example cannot stand scrutiny. When we look at the pattern of integration in South Florida, or lack thereof, there is evidence that it does not fit the American norm or the Bahamian model.
What happened in South Florida was a convergence of several factors: extremely large immigration numbers, not even comparable to the cumulative numbers seen in the Bahamas; a highly concentrated area; the marginalization of a cultural group; and a great white flight, which is probably the most significant of all factors.
"The number of Cubans that came to South Florida, nearly a quarter million of them, were concentrated in the same area. The English speaking Americans rather than trying to assimilate them fled north and left the Cuban Americans to fill a void that was created by their moving," said Mr Leonard Archer, former Ambassador to CARICOM.
"You had really a transplanted society of people who spoke the same language, with the same culture, living in a concentrated area. As a consequence there was less impetus to change and become a part of the mainstream. They created a society in South Florida that is not the normal pattern," he said.
Clearly, Bahamians are not going anywhere, so Haitian nationals are faced with the choice of integration, marginalisation or deportation.
Over the years, South Florida immigrants coalesced around their Latin American cultural identity because of their experience of being marginalised. The act of uniting was a form of resistance and survival. To win social rights, and in some cases basic human rights, the immigrants of common culture formed an organic constituency.
Over time, they acquired political power. So now, there is a large community of Americans of Latin American descent with no insecurities about their origins or their rights. Emboldened by its ability to acquire power in defiance of the system, and left to thrive in a cultural vacuum, there was no longer any need for the community to suppress its cultural identity or assimilate.
And today, South Florida has been enriched by the presence of Latin American immigrants, despite the annoyances of language dynamics. Bahamians who deny this might just be telling a bold face lie: After all, Bahamians practically live in South Florida and other areas in the immigrant nation we call the United States.
There are over 70,000 undocumented Bahamians living in the US, according to the US Immigration and Naturalization Service. Between 1989 and 2004, more than 5,000 Bahamians gained citizenship and there were 12,000 legal residents.
The lesson in all of this is: When a group's identity is the source of its oppression that group will likely bind together on the basis of that identity. The risk of our current policies, beliefs and practices is that the more we marginalise Haitian nationals, the more they can draw strength from that identity.
Marginalisation has not worked for us. One of the results has been squatter communities, like the former Mackey Yard. Bahamians allow Haitian communities to exist, but only on the peripheries. We have no problem when Haitians keep to themselves and stay out of sight. We tolerate them in our communities and hire them at will when they play the role we have designated for them. But we scorn the idea of bringing legitimacy to our sordid affair.
Another result of marginalization is the resentment it breeds and the segregation it creates. Do not be fooled: there is an entire generation of Haitian adolescents with legitimate claims to their Bahamian identity, who are smart, unassuming and legal. It is only a matter of time before they exert their power as entitled Bahamians.
It is not a violent revolution Bahamians should be looking for. The face of the revolution will be in Bahamian children with Haitian ancestry, who excel in education, who settle into the business class, the political class and acquire quiet power in an indistinguishable way.
There is already an entrenched class of fully integrated Haitian-Bahamians, who do not have to prove their Bahamian credentials. These are established and respected Bahamians who keep their Haitian heritage under wraps. But there will come a time when they will no longer have to do such a thing. Our governor general, Sir Arthur Foulkes is proof of that. What will Bahamians do when all of their neighbours take off their masks and say: "Surprise! There is Haitian blood in me too!" Bahamians might refuse to talk about integrating Haitian immigrants, but in doing so we might just be cutting off our nose to spite our face.
So what of integration? It is already happening under our very noses and there is nothing we can do to turn the clock back. Bahamians would curse the day we start having members of parliament self identify as Haitian-Bahamian, or a Haitian caucus in the House of Assembly. For now, Bahamians can breathe a sigh of relief, because we are far from that, but we need not go there if we make the right choice. After all, Ron Pinder and Keod Smith, who some say have claim to Haitian ancestry, would be more inclined to sue for libel than acknowledge any possible association. The model of American society, with all of its segregated cultural and racial groups is not necessarily something we want to emulate anyway.
But if we maintain the strategy of refusing to integrate Haitian immigrants and Bahamians with Haitian ancestry into the Bahamian society and drop the general stigma attached to being Haitian, sorry to say, we will more than likely arrive at that cursed day. The odds are not in our favour; we have the law of nature working against us: what you resist will persist.
The survival of the Bahamas and the inheritance of our children does not depend, as some believe, on us "getting them out of here." Our national sovereignty is not at risk, but you can hardly reason away the belief in some that Haitians if we let them, will take over the country. Our survival depends on us growing up; on us allowing compassion, wisdom and reason to be our compass.
Let us refresh our memory with a look at some of the "evidence-based information" in the 2005 International Organisation for Migration (IOM) study, prepared by the College of the Bahamas. The in-depth study in 2005 found what some of us already knew: "Perceptions have replaced evidence-based rational debate" due to a lack of information on the Haitian community.
Estimates on the size of the Haitian population reported in the media over the years range anywhere between 15,000 and 80,000. The IOM study notes that counting illegal immigrants is notoriously difficult, so it uses corroborating data and statistical models to arrive at a population range for the Haitian community of 30-60,000.
In 2003 the US Homeland Security Department estimated there were 60,000 illegal immigrants in Bahamas. The 2000 census recorded 21,000 Haitian residents of which 28.3 per cent came from the 5-19 age group. Between 1974 and 2004, over 23,000 Haitians registered with the National Insurance Board, and in 2005 the Haitian Embassy reported 25,000 documented migrants with about three children per family.
The IOM study provides a useful analysis of population figures.
"During the period 1963 to 2000, the size of the resident Haitian community has increased from 4,170 to 21,426, which represents approximately a decennial increase of approximately 39 per cent from one census to the next," states the IMO report. There were five census counts in that time period.
If we apply a 39 per cent increase to the IOM's top estimate from its 2005 analysis, we can project a Haitian population of about 83,000 in 2010 and 116,000 in 2020. Population estimates for the Bahamas in those years are: 350,000 in 2010 and 414,000 in 2010. Based on liberal estimates then, the Haitian population in 20 years would represent 28 per cent of the total Bahamian population.
All of the figures are cumulative, so they represent the size of the Haitian community based on migration trends over the decades, not net inflows and outflows on an annual basis. In none of the available statistics is there a clear distinction made between illegal Haitian immigrants, Haitians with work permits, Haitians with permanent residence or citizenship or flow-through migrants.
There are so many gaps in available data that few reliable conclusions can be drawn. One conclusion I think it is fair to make is that hundreds of thousands of Haitians are not arriving at one time. According to Mr Archer, the Bahamas would need to be overwhelmed by those types of numbers at one time for a "takeover" to be possible, if that was the desired objective.
"The business of them coming in at a couple hundred a year, there is no possibility of a takeover. I challenge anyone to tell me any society where a take over has occurred in this fashion," said Mr Archer.
Theoretically, similar fears could be stoked over the West Indian population in England, but for the most part, "no one complains of the West Indians in England trying to take over the English society," said Mr Archer.
"The fears are unfounded. The Haitian people who are coming here are not coming to attempt to take over. They are coming to survive because they want something better for themselves. They want to become a part of the society, and their children tend to be as Bahamian as any other Bahamian child," he said.
Culturally speaking, Mr Archer asked: "Where is the influence?"
When you look at Bahamian cultural expressions - dance, music, food, religion, and politics - there have been no drastic changes from the influence of Haitian nationals. The same cannot be said about the American cultural influences. And, of course, we still maintain many of our inherited British cultural traits and some from our African heritage.
It is undeniable how American pop culture has transformed Bahamian society over the past 60 years; much of the influence has produced unfortunate results. On the other hand, one could maybe only point to some Haitian influence in cuisine and music, and that influence is certainly something for Bahamians to appreciate.
Mr Archer suggests: If Haitians in their numbers, can come into the Bahamas of near 400,000 people and "radically change that culture from within that says something about the culture." Perhaps this is what Bahamians fear. We are notoriously insecure about our budding cultural identity.
In all of this I know it is an uphill battle to chisel away the stone from the hearts and minds of Bahamians. As misinformed as we sometimes are, our resistance is not born from a lack of information. Our resistance is born of emotive reasons, like fear, prejudice, politics and hype.
Because of this, I believe it will take the concerted effort of our leaders and the might of our education system to reach our people. We have a long road ahead of us, as there is preliminary work to do in both institutions to fertilise the soil.
Sadly, but not surprisingly, this discussion will not sway the majority.
But for now, those with eyes to see, the beauty and the potential, and those with courage to say, we are proud of our Haitian connection, we must press on. With each step we are creating the new paradigm.
February 07, 2011
tribune242 Insight
By NOELLE NICOLLS
Tribune Staff Reporter
nnicolls@tribunemedia.net
PEOPLE say I am Haitian. They call me a Haitian sympathiser. They even question my patriotism. Their biggest mistake is they think I care either way. I have no insecurities about my identity or my affinity to Haiti.
I recall once upon a time people used to say black is beastly. Thankfully today is another day. In my time, black is beautiful and being Haitian is no shame. So call me what you may, call me what you might, my conviction will not change. Somehow through the thicket of our discontent as a nation, we need a new paradigm to govern our relationship with Haiti and Haitians.
I know most Bahamians can relate to a time as a child when all reason was replaced with rage, and the end result was a temper tantrum. Imagine that one occasion when a moment of stillness emerged after the tears subsided. In that moment, your mother, who did not budge through it all, may have spoken these words: "Finished? Can we go now?" And as if enlightened by divine favour, you began to see with new eyes. Often I wish a moment of calm like that would sweep the collective consciousness of Bahamians, so we would stop the childish hysterics and really start to solve our problems.
Let us imagine for a second that this is that moment and I am the mother. And let us assume for argument's sake that we have new eyes. This is what I would have you contemplate next.
With all the money, time and passion thrown at dealing with the "Haitian problem", have we got anywhere? Last week I contemplated that there is a better way: It requires less money, less resources and fewer headaches, but it is infinitely more difficult, but only because it requires a mental shift.
Last week I examined the Bahamas' unexplored and underdeveloped economic interest in Haiti. I reasoned that the Bahamians had concerns about a scarcity of resources, the security of our people and the sovereignty of our nation. To advance the conversation let us explore the concern about our national sovereignty.
A Tribune242 reader in response to "Time to stop prostituting Haitians", wanted to know if I was advocating the government "halt deportation, because the only thing that would do is send a green light to Haitians that the Bahamas wants them to come". The reader said Miami is a case study of what would be the result.
There are a few things that need to be said. Haitians have never needed a "green light" to come to the Bahamas. We market ourselves around the world with the message that "it's better in the Bahamas." Haitians have reasons to believe that is true. There is a greater probability of dying in Haiti before age 40 than there is in the Bahamas, according to the United Nations Human Development Report of 2005. In Haiti, 65 per cent of the population lives below the income poverty line, unlike the Bahamas with only 9 per cent.
No, I am not saying halt deportation. The Department of Immigration has a role to play, but based on the nature of the beast, it is a limited one. The past decades of raids, deportation and immigration policies have shown us how futile our single-minded strategy has been. Haitians risk the peril of death and the certainty of being marginalized for the chance of opportunity in the Bahamas. How do you really compete against that?
The Department of Immigration has a role to play, but it does not have the power to stop Haitian immigrants from leaving Haiti's shores; to prevent some of them from entering; or to stop Bahamians from exercising their will to hire Haitians, whether legally or illegally.
I am saying: Raids in the order of Thursday night's Fox Hill raid serve no useful purpose. One eyewitness told me of the raid and said they took people out of their homes and beat them for no reason. One person was left red from all the blood that covered his clothes and body. It was like they just took their pent up frustration out on a few random Haitians.
Let us be reminded, as another Tribune242 reader said: "They are not just 'Haitians' or 'foreigners', but each has a face, a name and an identity (like YOU and ME), a story to tell (like YOU and ME) and struggles, pain and heartaches to overcome (like YOU and ME). Where is our compassion for others?"
I am also saying: It is because we force Haitian immigrants into the margins of our society that we create a whole host of counter-productive and self-defeating problems: Squatter communities and marginalised youth, to name a few.
The reader feared a Miami-like situation emerging in the Bahamas, where "the language and culture of the city has been completely taken over by Cubans so much so that you are looked at funny if you can't speak Spanish." Theoretically I suppose this is a risk Bahamians may need to take, but aren't risks a part of life?
There is a universal lesson to learn from the South Florida immigrant population, comprised mainly of people of Latin American descent. South Florida is a handy card to draw to stoke fears, but its example cannot stand scrutiny. When we look at the pattern of integration in South Florida, or lack thereof, there is evidence that it does not fit the American norm or the Bahamian model.
What happened in South Florida was a convergence of several factors: extremely large immigration numbers, not even comparable to the cumulative numbers seen in the Bahamas; a highly concentrated area; the marginalization of a cultural group; and a great white flight, which is probably the most significant of all factors.
"The number of Cubans that came to South Florida, nearly a quarter million of them, were concentrated in the same area. The English speaking Americans rather than trying to assimilate them fled north and left the Cuban Americans to fill a void that was created by their moving," said Mr Leonard Archer, former Ambassador to CARICOM.
"You had really a transplanted society of people who spoke the same language, with the same culture, living in a concentrated area. As a consequence there was less impetus to change and become a part of the mainstream. They created a society in South Florida that is not the normal pattern," he said.
Clearly, Bahamians are not going anywhere, so Haitian nationals are faced with the choice of integration, marginalisation or deportation.
Over the years, South Florida immigrants coalesced around their Latin American cultural identity because of their experience of being marginalised. The act of uniting was a form of resistance and survival. To win social rights, and in some cases basic human rights, the immigrants of common culture formed an organic constituency.
Over time, they acquired political power. So now, there is a large community of Americans of Latin American descent with no insecurities about their origins or their rights. Emboldened by its ability to acquire power in defiance of the system, and left to thrive in a cultural vacuum, there was no longer any need for the community to suppress its cultural identity or assimilate.
And today, South Florida has been enriched by the presence of Latin American immigrants, despite the annoyances of language dynamics. Bahamians who deny this might just be telling a bold face lie: After all, Bahamians practically live in South Florida and other areas in the immigrant nation we call the United States.
There are over 70,000 undocumented Bahamians living in the US, according to the US Immigration and Naturalization Service. Between 1989 and 2004, more than 5,000 Bahamians gained citizenship and there were 12,000 legal residents.
The lesson in all of this is: When a group's identity is the source of its oppression that group will likely bind together on the basis of that identity. The risk of our current policies, beliefs and practices is that the more we marginalise Haitian nationals, the more they can draw strength from that identity.
Marginalisation has not worked for us. One of the results has been squatter communities, like the former Mackey Yard. Bahamians allow Haitian communities to exist, but only on the peripheries. We have no problem when Haitians keep to themselves and stay out of sight. We tolerate them in our communities and hire them at will when they play the role we have designated for them. But we scorn the idea of bringing legitimacy to our sordid affair.
Another result of marginalization is the resentment it breeds and the segregation it creates. Do not be fooled: there is an entire generation of Haitian adolescents with legitimate claims to their Bahamian identity, who are smart, unassuming and legal. It is only a matter of time before they exert their power as entitled Bahamians.
It is not a violent revolution Bahamians should be looking for. The face of the revolution will be in Bahamian children with Haitian ancestry, who excel in education, who settle into the business class, the political class and acquire quiet power in an indistinguishable way.
There is already an entrenched class of fully integrated Haitian-Bahamians, who do not have to prove their Bahamian credentials. These are established and respected Bahamians who keep their Haitian heritage under wraps. But there will come a time when they will no longer have to do such a thing. Our governor general, Sir Arthur Foulkes is proof of that. What will Bahamians do when all of their neighbours take off their masks and say: "Surprise! There is Haitian blood in me too!" Bahamians might refuse to talk about integrating Haitian immigrants, but in doing so we might just be cutting off our nose to spite our face.
So what of integration? It is already happening under our very noses and there is nothing we can do to turn the clock back. Bahamians would curse the day we start having members of parliament self identify as Haitian-Bahamian, or a Haitian caucus in the House of Assembly. For now, Bahamians can breathe a sigh of relief, because we are far from that, but we need not go there if we make the right choice. After all, Ron Pinder and Keod Smith, who some say have claim to Haitian ancestry, would be more inclined to sue for libel than acknowledge any possible association. The model of American society, with all of its segregated cultural and racial groups is not necessarily something we want to emulate anyway.
But if we maintain the strategy of refusing to integrate Haitian immigrants and Bahamians with Haitian ancestry into the Bahamian society and drop the general stigma attached to being Haitian, sorry to say, we will more than likely arrive at that cursed day. The odds are not in our favour; we have the law of nature working against us: what you resist will persist.
The survival of the Bahamas and the inheritance of our children does not depend, as some believe, on us "getting them out of here." Our national sovereignty is not at risk, but you can hardly reason away the belief in some that Haitians if we let them, will take over the country. Our survival depends on us growing up; on us allowing compassion, wisdom and reason to be our compass.
Let us refresh our memory with a look at some of the "evidence-based information" in the 2005 International Organisation for Migration (IOM) study, prepared by the College of the Bahamas. The in-depth study in 2005 found what some of us already knew: "Perceptions have replaced evidence-based rational debate" due to a lack of information on the Haitian community.
Estimates on the size of the Haitian population reported in the media over the years range anywhere between 15,000 and 80,000. The IOM study notes that counting illegal immigrants is notoriously difficult, so it uses corroborating data and statistical models to arrive at a population range for the Haitian community of 30-60,000.
In 2003 the US Homeland Security Department estimated there were 60,000 illegal immigrants in Bahamas. The 2000 census recorded 21,000 Haitian residents of which 28.3 per cent came from the 5-19 age group. Between 1974 and 2004, over 23,000 Haitians registered with the National Insurance Board, and in 2005 the Haitian Embassy reported 25,000 documented migrants with about three children per family.
The IOM study provides a useful analysis of population figures.
"During the period 1963 to 2000, the size of the resident Haitian community has increased from 4,170 to 21,426, which represents approximately a decennial increase of approximately 39 per cent from one census to the next," states the IMO report. There were five census counts in that time period.
If we apply a 39 per cent increase to the IOM's top estimate from its 2005 analysis, we can project a Haitian population of about 83,000 in 2010 and 116,000 in 2020. Population estimates for the Bahamas in those years are: 350,000 in 2010 and 414,000 in 2010. Based on liberal estimates then, the Haitian population in 20 years would represent 28 per cent of the total Bahamian population.
All of the figures are cumulative, so they represent the size of the Haitian community based on migration trends over the decades, not net inflows and outflows on an annual basis. In none of the available statistics is there a clear distinction made between illegal Haitian immigrants, Haitians with work permits, Haitians with permanent residence or citizenship or flow-through migrants.
There are so many gaps in available data that few reliable conclusions can be drawn. One conclusion I think it is fair to make is that hundreds of thousands of Haitians are not arriving at one time. According to Mr Archer, the Bahamas would need to be overwhelmed by those types of numbers at one time for a "takeover" to be possible, if that was the desired objective.
"The business of them coming in at a couple hundred a year, there is no possibility of a takeover. I challenge anyone to tell me any society where a take over has occurred in this fashion," said Mr Archer.
Theoretically, similar fears could be stoked over the West Indian population in England, but for the most part, "no one complains of the West Indians in England trying to take over the English society," said Mr Archer.
"The fears are unfounded. The Haitian people who are coming here are not coming to attempt to take over. They are coming to survive because they want something better for themselves. They want to become a part of the society, and their children tend to be as Bahamian as any other Bahamian child," he said.
Culturally speaking, Mr Archer asked: "Where is the influence?"
When you look at Bahamian cultural expressions - dance, music, food, religion, and politics - there have been no drastic changes from the influence of Haitian nationals. The same cannot be said about the American cultural influences. And, of course, we still maintain many of our inherited British cultural traits and some from our African heritage.
It is undeniable how American pop culture has transformed Bahamian society over the past 60 years; much of the influence has produced unfortunate results. On the other hand, one could maybe only point to some Haitian influence in cuisine and music, and that influence is certainly something for Bahamians to appreciate.
Mr Archer suggests: If Haitians in their numbers, can come into the Bahamas of near 400,000 people and "radically change that culture from within that says something about the culture." Perhaps this is what Bahamians fear. We are notoriously insecure about our budding cultural identity.
In all of this I know it is an uphill battle to chisel away the stone from the hearts and minds of Bahamians. As misinformed as we sometimes are, our resistance is not born from a lack of information. Our resistance is born of emotive reasons, like fear, prejudice, politics and hype.
Because of this, I believe it will take the concerted effort of our leaders and the might of our education system to reach our people. We have a long road ahead of us, as there is preliminary work to do in both institutions to fertilise the soil.
Sadly, but not surprisingly, this discussion will not sway the majority.
But for now, those with eyes to see, the beauty and the potential, and those with courage to say, we are proud of our Haitian connection, we must press on. With each step we are creating the new paradigm.
February 07, 2011
tribune242 Insight
Thursday, April 1, 2010
Bahamas Illegal Immigration Policy Shifts Once Again
By Krystel Rolle ~ Guardian Staff Reporter ~ krystel@nasguard.com:
In an apparent shift once again in its illegal immigration policy, the government has repatriated a group of undocumented Haitians.
Deputy Prime Minister Brent Symonette, who is also the minister of immigration, told The Nassau Guardian that the 86 Haitians, who were caught on Long Island last weekend, were returned to Haiti yesterday morning.
The immigrants were found by police wandering in the area of Stevens, Long Island on Saturday. The group, which included 77 men and nine women, were transported to New Providence.
"They are back in Haiti," Symonette confirmed.
Asked if the government has shifted its policy, Symonette declined to speak on the matter.
"That's all I want to say at the moment — that we have returned that group to Haiti," he said.
The repatriation exercise comes about two months after a group of 49 Haitian migrants who landed in New Providence in January was charged in court with illegal landing. The men were sent to prison for six months, and the women were sent to the Carmichael Road Detention Centre, along with the children in the group, according to statement from the Department of Immigration.
Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham changed the policy so that Haitians could be charged and thereby detained for longer periods.
The policy shift came after a 7.0 earthquake struck Haiti's capital Port-au-Prince on January 12, destroying many buildings, killing hundreds of thousands of people and leaving millions more homeless.
Days after the earthquake, Ingraham also announced that Haitian immigrants who were held in the Carmichael Road Detention Centre prior to the disaster were being released and given temporary status. There were a little over 100 Haitian immigrants in the temporary holding facility at the time. Ingraham added that repatriation exercises would be postponed until further notice.
Former Minister of Immigration Vincent Peet told The Guardian yesterday that it is clear that the government has no clear policy.
"I think some Bahamians would be surprised and some would not be surprised that the immigration policy changes almost every week," Peet said.
"The repatriation today by the government clearly indicates a new policy which was not announced to the public. One has to wonder what those illegal immigrants who were detained at the Fox Hill prison and those who were set free are now thinking. The government must be consistent. We are all concerned about the plight of Haitians and Haiti is now gradually recovering. The question is are they at the stage where they can take these immigrants back and if that is the case, then when will the others be repatriated?"
Peet said the government is clearly unfocused as it has no coherent policy. He added that the constant shift is policy is probably confusing to Bahamians.
April 01, 2010
thenassauguardian
In an apparent shift once again in its illegal immigration policy, the government has repatriated a group of undocumented Haitians.
Deputy Prime Minister Brent Symonette, who is also the minister of immigration, told The Nassau Guardian that the 86 Haitians, who were caught on Long Island last weekend, were returned to Haiti yesterday morning.
The immigrants were found by police wandering in the area of Stevens, Long Island on Saturday. The group, which included 77 men and nine women, were transported to New Providence.
"They are back in Haiti," Symonette confirmed.
Asked if the government has shifted its policy, Symonette declined to speak on the matter.
"That's all I want to say at the moment — that we have returned that group to Haiti," he said.
The repatriation exercise comes about two months after a group of 49 Haitian migrants who landed in New Providence in January was charged in court with illegal landing. The men were sent to prison for six months, and the women were sent to the Carmichael Road Detention Centre, along with the children in the group, according to statement from the Department of Immigration.
Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham changed the policy so that Haitians could be charged and thereby detained for longer periods.
The policy shift came after a 7.0 earthquake struck Haiti's capital Port-au-Prince on January 12, destroying many buildings, killing hundreds of thousands of people and leaving millions more homeless.
Days after the earthquake, Ingraham also announced that Haitian immigrants who were held in the Carmichael Road Detention Centre prior to the disaster were being released and given temporary status. There were a little over 100 Haitian immigrants in the temporary holding facility at the time. Ingraham added that repatriation exercises would be postponed until further notice.
Former Minister of Immigration Vincent Peet told The Guardian yesterday that it is clear that the government has no clear policy.
"I think some Bahamians would be surprised and some would not be surprised that the immigration policy changes almost every week," Peet said.
"The repatriation today by the government clearly indicates a new policy which was not announced to the public. One has to wonder what those illegal immigrants who were detained at the Fox Hill prison and those who were set free are now thinking. The government must be consistent. We are all concerned about the plight of Haitians and Haiti is now gradually recovering. The question is are they at the stage where they can take these immigrants back and if that is the case, then when will the others be repatriated?"
Peet said the government is clearly unfocused as it has no coherent policy. He added that the constant shift is policy is probably confusing to Bahamians.
April 01, 2010
thenassauguardian
Friday, March 11, 2005
More Than Three Months After The Carmichael Road Detention Centre Uprising, no Cuban Has Been Charged
The failure of police to charge any Cubans in connection with the uprising – which resulted in 11 Defense Force officers and nine detainees being injured – has some people pointing to what they see as differential treatment between Haitian and Cuban immigrants in The Bahamas
Attorney Eliezer Regnier, who represents the Haitian family charged within days of the Nassau Village riot earlier this year, is one of them
Cubans In Limbo At Fox Hill
By Candia Dames
Nassau, The Bahamas
11th March 2005
There are reportedly concerns among some in government that any decision by police to bring charges in relation to the Carmichael Road Detention Centre uprising in December could spark a serious backlash from the Cuban-American community, The Bahama Journal has learnt.
But Assistant Commission of Police Reginald Ferguson has assured that due process is being followed in the matter.
A source close to the investigation told The Bahama Journal that there are serious diplomatic issues involved that must also be considered.
More than three months after the incident, which made international headlines, no Cuban has been charged in connection with the matter, although police and immigration authorities had indicated that charges were likely.
There are also reports that police may forward the matter to the Office of the Attorney General, but Mr. Ferguson said that determination had not yet been made.
He added, “That is one of the options that is open to us. We may very well do that to get a thorough look at it to assist in the thoroughness of the whole investigative process.”
The failure of police to charge any Cubans in connection with the uprising – which resulted in 11 Defense Force officers and nine detainees being injured – has some people pointing to what they see as differential treatment between Haitian and Cuban immigrants.
Attorney Eliezer Regnier, who represents the Haitian family charged within days of the Nassau Village riot earlier this year, is one of them.
“I think the Cuban situation is such that the Cubans in Miami have put the fear in the government [of The Bahamas],” Mr. Regnier said. “I think they just want to sweep that situation under the carpet. They fear terrorist reprisals because the Miami Cubans are very aggressive whereas in the case of the Haitians, they know once they do something to them, that’s the end of the matter.”
Magistrate Linda Virgill denied the Haitian parents and their son bail and sent them to Her Majesty’s Prison. She also suspended their permanent residence status.
However, Mr. Regnier told The Bahama Journal that he was able to eventually secure bail for Wilson Pierre, Clarisine Pierre and Celession Simeus.
He also noted that it did not take long for the Haitians who attempted to ram a Defence Force boat off New Providence to be charged either.
Magistrate Virgill gave most of those involved maximum sentences and fines after they pleaded guilty. They admitted to trying to smuggle illegal Haitian immigrants into The Bahamas.
Mr. Regnier believes this is a clear case of differential treatment among immigrants.
But Mr. Ferguson cautioned against drawing comparisons, pointing out that each investigation is different.
“Every investigation has its own characteristics and it is determined by the investigation as it progresses,” he noted. “I don’t think it is fair to make a comparison between one incident versus the other because every incident is different.”
Prison Superintendent Dr. Elliston Rahming has confirmed that the 22 Cuban nationals believed to have been involved in the Detention Centre incident back in December are still being held at Her Majesty’s Prison in Fox Hill.
Cuban Consul General to The Bahamas Felix Wilson told The Bahama Journal that he is aware that a group of Cubans may soon be repatriated, but he was not sure whether those at the prison may be a part of that group.
Following the fire at the Detention Centre, some Cuban-Americans demonstrated in Miami, claiming that the Cubans at the facility were being abused.
But that’s a claim government officials have vehemently denied repeatedly.
Thursday, March 18, 2004
The Haitian Situation in The Bahamas - Part 2
The Bahamas Haitian Situation ‐ Part 2
By Apostle Cedric Moss
March 18, 2004
March 18, 2004
Was Aristide forced out? Many are discussing this question locally and abroad and choosing which account they believe, Aristide's or The United States of America's. In my view, beyond the need to give it some consideration at the diplomatic level, whichever account is right, it makes little difference for The Bahamas. The situation of tens of thousands of illegal Haitian immigrants in our country still represents one of our biggest national challenges and the academic discussion about Mr. Aristide only distracts us from focusing on much needed proactive solutions.
The Proposed Agreement
For the past 10 years, efforts have been made by The Bahamas' government to enter into an agreement with the Haitian government to cover mass repatriation of Haitians residing in The Bahamas. To date, the agreement is still not signed and with the current unstable climate in Haiti, it is not likely to be signed any time soon. However, even if we could sign the agreement today, what would it really accomplish?
As I understand it, this agreement was initially negotiated around 1994. The intention was to seek to regularize Haitians who have resided in The Bahamas prior to 1985 and to repatriate those who arrived illegally after that date. Had the agreement been signed and implemented around the time it was initially negotiated, tens of thousands of Haitians who had illegally resided in The Bahamas for periods of one to ten years would have been repatriated. Among them would have been thousands of children born to Haitian parents, even though such children have the right to apply for Bahamian citizenship at age 18.
Considering that 1985 is still the threshold year for the agreement waiting to be executed, Haitians who have illegally resided in The Bahamas for as long as 19 years could potentially be repatriated. While we as a country have the legal right to repatriate them, even without a signed agreement, would it be the humane thing to do after allowing them to remain for so many years? How would we manage the future fallout that would come from the generations of Bahamians born to Haitian parents who were subjected to this traumatic experience?
Alternative Solutions
Am I proposing that we officially absorb the unknown tens of thousands of illegal Haitian immigrants currently residing in The Bahamas as opposed to repatriating them? No, I'm not proposing that at all. However, I am saying that we need to consider alternative solutions, because we know full well that repatriation is only a temporary solution, and a costly one at that.
While I believe successive governments of The Bahamas have sought international assistance to deal with the problem of illegal immigration from Haiti, it's my view that we need to redouble our efforts in this direction. Somehow, we need to involve The United States, Canada, France and The United Nations in order to seek both short and long term solutions to the problems in Haiti and the illegal immigration situation we face as a result. The reality is that unless Haiti stabilizes and attracts investment to create jobs, Haitians will continue to leave in search of a better way of life and The Bahamas is their logical first destination.
Here to Stay
For many Haitians, they are far beyond making that desperate seas voyage from Haiti to The Bahamas; they are already here. And they are here to stay. Some came prior to 1985 and much later. While they were enduring exploitation by far too many of us, they seemed to have followed the advice Prophet Jeremiah gave to the Israelites who were in exile in Babylon: "Build houses and settle down; plant gardens and eat what they produce. Marry and have sons and daughters; find wives for your sons and give your daughters in marriage, so that they too may have sons and daughters. Increase in number there; do not decrease". (Jeremiah 29:5-6, NIV). The Haitians also followed another one: Educate your children. All of these they have done, so uprooting and deporting them today is not near as easy as it was 25 years ago.
Preview of Next Week
Since Haitians are here to stay in large numbers, how can we manage their assimilation for the overall good of The Bahamas? Join me next week when I conclude my commentary and answer this question.
Apostle Cedric Moss serves as Senior Pastor at Kingdom Life World Outreach Centre. Commentary and feedback may be directed to: apostle@kingdom-life.org
Thursday, March 4, 2004
The Haitian Situation in The Bahamas - Part 1
The Bahamas Haitian Situation ‐ Part 1
By Apostle Cedric Moss
March 4, 2004
March 4, 2004
For several months I have been contemplating offering my thoughts on the Haitian situation in our country. Prompted by the climatic events in Haiti this past week that resulted in President Jean Bertrand Aristide's resignation, I today I begin in earnest part one of a three part series.
More than talk
As I followed local news coverage of the events unfolding in Haiti, I was particularly moved by Dr. Eugene Newry's request for prayer for the strife-torn nation of Haiti. Although Dr. Newry is the Bahamian Ambassador to Haiti, he seems to recognize that beyond diplomatic talk, the real need of the Haitian people is for divine intervention through prayer to Almighty God. I agree with him. Therefore, we who are followers of Christ should take heart that while governments talk and exercise human diplomacy; we can exercise divine diplomacy in prayer.
Balancing Two Concerns
For reasons that are obvious, a major concern in The Bahamas about the chaos in Haiti is that thousands of Haitians will come here with the hope of finding good fortune and a better life. However, we must have an additional concern. We must also be concerned about the plight of our brothers and sisters in Haiti, not just the effect that the situation there can potentially have on us.
I know it is easy to misunderstand my point so I will restate it: I am not saying that we must not be concerned about the potential additional strain that further amounts of Haitian immigrants will have on public services in our small country. We obviously must be concerned because our resources are limited. However, if our concern stops at the point of ourselves and does not take into account the grim circumstances faced by our Haitian brothers and sisters, we would be selfish. So we must balance these two concerns.
A Major Challenge
The reality is that even if there was a way to prevent further illegal immigration from Haiti to The Bahamas, the existing number of Haitians already here (speculated by some to be as high as 60,000) presents us with one of the most significant national challenges we face. This challenge cannot be wished away or talked away. It is here and our best option is to try to deal with it proactively.
As I listen to some Bahamians propose solutions to the problem of Haitians residing illegally in The Bahamas it is becoming clearer to me that many of them do not realize how serious and far gone the problem is. Therefore, their solutions are no real solution. In addition, some of the so-called solutions are illegal and/or inhumane.
Our Day of Reckoning
In my view, although it is the lot of the present government to deal with the Haitian situation, successive governments of The Bahamas have to take collective responsibility for the state of affairs. While it would be naive to minimize the task of effectively combating the problem of illegal immigration of Haitians to The Bahamas, I believe much more could have been done. By this I do not mean more rounding up and repatriations since this strategy by itself is no real solution.
In addition to successive governments falling short, we are Bahamians in general must take responsibility. Many among us took and still take economic advantage of our Haitian brothers and sisters and exploit them economically as modern day indentured servants, thereby contributing to the situation we now face. The tragedy is that now many of these same exploiters are speaking the loudest and shouting, "Send them home!" But it's a bit too late. Our day of reckoning has come.
Preview of Next Week
Now that the government in Haiti is in further limbo, the prospects of our government getting the much talked about treaty that covers repatriation, among other things, signed any time soon is not that great. But what if they did get the treaty signed immediately? What would it produce? Join me next week when I will analyze the much talked about treaty and at the same time answer these questions.
Apostle Cedric Moss serves as Senior Pastor at Kingdom Life World Outreach Centre. Comments and feedback may be directed to: apostle@kingdom-life.org
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