The Advent of Majority Rule in The Bahamas

What does Majority Rule in The National Affairs of The Bahamas mean?

Majority Rule Day marks the day when, for the first time in history, The Bahamas had achieved full democratic status

Majority Rule: a different eyewitness report

By Patrick Rahming

Someone once said that anyone who wants to test the veracity of history should listen to two eyewitness reports of the same car accident. In that spirit, this is another eyewitness report of the advent of Majority Rule and the events following. This report may appear to contradict one that appeared in The Nassau Guardian on the eve of Majority Rule Day, January 9, 2023, but it does not. It simply adds another shade of color to the picture. To be even clearer, then, I would refer to another quote about history: “History is created by those who write it.” I share my opinion for the benefit or otherwise of Bahamian history.

What does Majority Rule mean?

The popular belief is that Majority Rule has something to do with the majority party in Parliament finally looking like the majority of the people – that is, black. That, of course, would suggest that a community of majority black citizens could not choose to be represented by white politicians, and that The Bahamas determines its national affairs on the basis of race. I cannot believe that is the meaning of Majority Rule Day.

More likely, Majority Rule Day marks the day when, for the first time in history, the country had achieved full democratic status. I have spoken to many younger Bahamians who were unaware that, prior to 1962, there were four categories of Bahamian citizens. First, there were those who qualified to vote ordinarily, which applied to men with property only. Then there were those who owned properties in multiple constituencies, who could vote wherever they owned property, giving a single individual the opportunity to vote multiple times in the same election. Thirdly, there were those who owned or represented companies, who could vote “for the company”. Finally, women and men without property could not vote at all, basically a voiceless category of citizens. In other words, prior to 1962, national elections were anything but fair. The Bahamas was legally and constitutionally not a democratic country.

However, following changes to those laws, women voted for the first time in 1962 and by 1964 both the land vote and the company vote had been rescinded. By 1964, then, The Bahamas had finally become legally and constitutionally a democratic country. So, it is quite true that the 1967 election was the first election held as a true democracy (the results determined by one man, one vote). Regardless of who won that election, the day would have been the first Majority Rule Day. The meaning of the day was determined by its history, not its participants.

*It is therefore wrong to continue to vilify those who actually passed the laws we now celebrate. The PLP was not the government when the laws providing the franchise for women and those eliminating the preferential positions for land and company ownership were passed, and therefore could not have been responsible for them. Regardless of their role as promoters or agitators, they cannot accept responsibility for the legislation passed by a previous government. In the courts, for example, the judge holds the perpetrator of the crime responsible, not the person who convinced him to commit it. This is a matter of historical record, not opinion or preference. Our children deserve the truth, not our prejudice. If we are to celebrate, let us celebrate history, not partisan rhetoric and half-truths.*

Majority Rule and the economy

Those of us over 65 (that is, old enough to remember pre-Majority Rule conditions) have a view of the 1960s that is very different from the world we hear about when current politicians speak. We recall a world in which there was considerable participation in the economy by ordinary black and white Bahamians. In tourism, the anchor of the economy, almost all of the entertainment business, the primary wealth creator in the tourism business, was owned locally, over 90 percent by black Bahamians. All of the transportation business was owned by Bahamians, also mostly black Bahamians. Except for the heritage sites, almost every tourist attraction was owned and operated by Bahamians, again mostly black. Throughout the real City of Nassau (over the hill) just about every consumer business was owned and operated by black Bahamians: grocers, meat markets, dry cleaners, dry goods stores, shoe sales and repair stores, barbers and beauticians. Everyone seemed to be an entrepreneur, from bicycle repair to raising rabbits to operating joinery shops to teaching music. Even on Bay Street, almost every business was owned and operated by Bahamians. While the majority of them may have been white, they were Bahamians (unlike today) and their participation in the tourism economy was significant. We recall a productive, confident, self-sufficient, self-assured, future-oriented communities. This is the starting point for measuring our economic progress.

The fact that, after 52 years we find ourselves standing outside foreign-owned resorts begging for participation in a business we had shaped for decades before, speaks volumes about our lack of attention to our own business. Rather than patting ourselves on our backs because we now drive expensive cars and live in gated communities, we should be asking why we have become a nation of dependent, frightened observers begging for a job. If the political establishments would claim credit for our new middle-class, they must also accept credit for the high reliance on a pay check and fear of risk.

Majority Rule and human development

That said, I agree whole-heartedly with concerns expressed about the growth of the gap between the government and its people, and the urgent need to complete the Westminster system by establishing a true system of local government. Parliamentarians are today too busy to know what their constituents need. That must be a sign that something is wrong. There appears to be little or no concern for involving citizens in their own affairs, which has led to a strong sense of “us and them” throughout the country.

I am proud of many of the advances made over these 52 years, but cannot avoid the apparent complete lack of a concern for human development by successive governments. The simple fact that the people of the de facto City of Nassau have not yet been recognized as such in law, after 50 years of independence is shocking. The fact that successive governments still find excuses not to spend on the infrastructure for the reinforcement of our identity through cultural activity is shocking. The fact that when a draft of the National Development Plan, published three years ago, stated that at graduation, 50 percent of students in public schools did not qualify to graduate, it was not considered a national emergency, is shocking. Self-Image and identity are the bedrock of social behavior. Meanwhile the same governments seem mystified by our children’s antisocial behavior. Majority Rule officially made us all equally responsible for the future of The Bahamas. I am not sure we have lived up to that responsibility.

What is the significance of Majority Rule Day? It marks the day The Bahamas became a democracy. That, I believe, is by far more important than seeking partisan credit for a public holiday.

Pat Rahming is an architect, writer and songwriter who is passionate about the importance of the built environment and its importance to the social development of The Bahamas. He can be reached at prahming@gmail.com or via his blog “From the Black Book” at prahming.wordpress.com. He welcomes other points of view.

What were some of the major milestones that contributed to the centuries-long march to Majority Rule in The Bahamas?

The march to Majority Rule, Part III

Consider This...

By PHILIP C. GALANIS

History cannot give us a program for the future, but it can give us a fuller understanding of ourselves, and of our common humanity, so that we can better face the future. - Robert Penn Warren

As we noted in parts I and II of this series, the march to Majority Rule in The Bahamas can be characterized by two words: sustained struggle.

On January 10, we quietly celebrated the first public holiday to commemorate the day that Majority Rule came to The Bahamas in 1967.  It was a life-changing event that catapulted the lives of many thousands to unimaginable heights.  Last week we reviewed three important milestones in the march to Majority Rule that helped to create the framework for the attainment of that achievement: the by-election of 1938, the Burma Road Riot of 1942, and the Contract beginning in 1943.  This week and in the final week in January, we will continue to Consider This…what were some of the major milestones that contributed to the centuries-long march to Majority Rule?

The 1950s were decisively transformative on the march to Majority Rule. It was a decade that witnessed the formation of the PLP in 1953, the 1956 Resolution on Racial Discrimination in the House of Assembly and the 1958 General Strike.

The formation of the PLP

The Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) was established in 1953, following an attempt by the Citizens’ Committee to actively address some of the rampant discriminatory practices by the white Nassau elite.  The Citizens’ Committee, formed in December 1950 initially protested the government’s refusal to let Bahamians view three films: “No Way Out” (starring Bahamian actor Sidney Poitier), “Lost Boundaries” and “Pinky” all of which addressed societal injustices. Many of the members of the Citizens’ Committee, which was led by Maxwell Thompson, Cleveland Eneas, and A. E. Hutchinson and whose members included Jackson Burnside, Randol Fawkes, Gerald Cash, Kendal Isaacs, Marcus Bethel and other prominent personalities, suffered brutal discrimination and many of its members were deprived of the ability to earn a living by the Bay Street oligarchy as a result of their social activism.

In October, 1953 the PLP was formed by Henry Taylor (who would become the third Bahamian governor general in an Independent Bahamas from June 26, 1988 to January 1, 1992), William Cartwright and Cyril Stevenson with a platform that responded to the challenge by Rev. H. H. Brown that: “The Progressive Liberal Party hopes to show that your big man and your little man, your black, brown and white man of all classes, creed and religions in this country can combine and work together in supplying sound and successful political leadership which has been lacking in The Bahamas.”

The PLP made bold progressive promises for a more equitable social structure including equal opportunities for all Bahamians, better education, universal suffrage, stronger immigration policies, lower-cost housing and the development of agriculture and the Out Islands.

In the early days of the PLP, its members were subjected to abject ostracism and victimization by the white elite, including the loss of jobs and bank credit, as well as canceled contracts.  In 1955, Lynden Pindling and Milo Butler emerged as the leaders of the party, appealing to the black masses to mobilize in advance of the general elections of 1956.  The party also attracted Randol Fawkes, the founder of the Bahamas Federation of Labour in May 1955.

The general election of May 1956 was the first to be fought by an organized political party.  The PLP won six seats in the House of Assembly, four in Nassau and two in Andros. That election significantly accelerated the march to Majority Rule.  In March 1958 the white oligarchy formed themselves into the second organized political unit, the United Bahamian Party (UBP). The UBP would later disband and its members would join forces with the Free National Movement (FNM) in 1972.

The 1956 Resolution on Racial Discrimination in the House of Assembly

In the wake of rampant racial discrimination that prevented access for black people to hotels, movie theatres, restaurants, and other public places, H. M. Taylor, the chairman of the PLP, whose platform vowed to eliminate racial discrimination in the colony, tabled a number of questions to the leader of the government.

Moved by this and in light of his own disgust with racially motivated practices, in January 1956, Etienne Dupuch, the editor of the Nassau Tribune and a member of the House of Assembly for the eastern district, tabled an Anti-Discrimination Resolution in the House of Assembly. During his passionately eloquent speech on the resolution, the speaker of the House of Assembly ordered Dupuch to take his seat, threatening, if he refused to do so, that he would be removed from the chamber by the police.  Dupuch responded: “You may call the whole Police Force, you may call the whole British Army…I will go to [jail] tonight, but I refuse to sit down, and I am ready to resign and go back to the people.”  The speaker abruptly suspended the House proceedings.

Although the resolution was supported by H. M. Taylor, Bert Cambridge, Eugene Dupuch, C.R. Walker, Marcus Bethel, and Gerald Cash, it was referred to a select committee, effectively killing it.  However, the following day, most of the Nassau hotels informed the public that they would open their doors to all, regardless of their race.

The 1958 General Strike

The General Strike began in January 1958 after several months of tension that arose because of the government’s plans to allow hotels and tour buses that were owned by the established white tour operators to provide transport for visitors to and from the airport, at the expense of predominantly black taxi drivers who made a large portion of their living transporting tourists between the new Windsor Field (Nassau International) Airport and downtown hotels.  To allow the hotels and tour companies to supplant the taxi drivers would severely curtail the ability of black taxi drivers to earn a decent living.

The government learned that the taxi drivers would vehemently protest this arrangement when they blockaded the new airport on the day it opened.  On that day, nearly 200 union taxi drivers stopped all business at the airport for 36 hours, showing their determination to protest the government’s plans. Negotiations on 20 points ensued between the union, represented by Lynden Pindling and Clifford Darling, the union’s president, and the government for the following eight weeks, but broke off after they could not agree on one final point.

On January 11, 1958 the taxi union voted for a general strike and the next day the General Strike commenced with the cessation of work at hotels, which was supported by hotel and construction workers, garbage collectors, bakers, airport porters and employees of the electricity corporation.  The strike lasted until January 31 and prompted a visit to the colony by the secretary of state for the colonies who recommended constitutional and political and electoral reforms which were incorporated into the General Election Act of 1959. Following the General Strike, male suffrage was introduced for all males over 21 years of age and the company vote was abolished.

Undoubtedly, the General Strike accentuated the ability of effective reform that could be achieved by the peaceful mobilization of the black majority.

Conclusion

Next week, we will review the decade of the 1960s and discuss how the Women’s Suffrage Movement, the 1962 general elections and Black Tuesday culminated in the eventual attainment of Majority Rule with the general elections of 1967.

 

• Philip C. Galanis is the managing partner of HLB Galanis & Co., Chartered Accountants, Forensic & Litigation Support Services. He served 15 years in Parliament. Please send your comments to pgalanis@gmail.com.

January 20, 2014

thenassauguardian

- The march to majority rule, pt. 1

- The march to majority rule, pt. 2

- The march to majority rule, pt. 4

The centuries-long march to majority rule in The Bahamas

The march to majority rule, pt. 1

Consider This...

By PHILIP C. GALANIS

The journey was very long and fraught with many dangers, trials, abuses, separations, rebellions, revolts, violence, frustrations, successes and, yes, even deaths. – George A Smith

The march to majority rule in The Bahamas can be characterized by two words: sustained struggle.

On Friday, January 10, we will celebrate the first public holiday to commemorate the day that majority rule came to The Bahamas on that date in 1967.  It was a life-changing event that catapulted the lives of many thousands to unimaginable heights.  Therefore this week and during the month of January, we would like to Consider This… what were some of the milestones along the way on the centuries-long march to majority rule?

Although it is difficult to capture all the important landmarks on the march to majority rule in a single column, and while we acknowledge that there are many unsung heroes of the movement, we want to highlight several important events that should be remembered as creating the framework for the achievement of majority rule as we approach this public holiday.

Early days and accelerated population

When Christopher Columbus and other European explorers first discovered these islands beginning in 1492, they met Lucayans, Arawak-speaking Amerindians who arrived in The Bahamas between 500 AD and 600 AD, originating in the South American mainland, having first settled in Cuba and Hispaniola.

For the next few centuries after Columbus’ arrival, Europeans, Americans and those who lived in our islands developed significant trading relationships.  When the Loyalists, those individuals who remained loyal to the English Crown during the American Revolution and became refugees in search of a home when the Crown lost to the rebels, fled the new United States, upwards of 5,000 people, including Loyalists and their many slaves, settled in the Bahama Islands, bringing their ideals with them.  It was with their arrival that the infamous trade in human cargo – the trans-Atlantic slave trade – reached its zenith here.  As was the case in North America and the Caribbean, African slaves were brought to market at Vendue House in downtown Nassau and were subjected to the same inhumane abuses that were experienced wherever the trade flourished.

In these islands, slavery came to be recognized as a perversion, and consequently, there were many instances, both recorded and not, that demonstrated the sustained struggle against this perversion and inculcated a determination to achieve equality in Bahamians.  This week, we will review a few instances of different kinds of early rebellion against conditions of servitude that marked the struggle and shaped the Bahamian psyche as it continued to yearn for total freedom.

Uprising at Farquharson’s Plantation

Charles Farquharson owned a prosperous plantation on San Salvador, growing a variety of crops including cotton.  He is particularly remarkable in Bahamian history as his journal was preserved and, through it, we have perhaps the only look at the everyday life of a Bahamian plantation owner and his slaves.  The journal also affords us the bare outlines of an incident on the Farquharson plantation in early 1832 that amounted to an uprising against the brutality of James, a mulatto son of the owner, who was left in charge while Farquharson was in Nassau.

It was when James decided to resort to physical punishment yet again over a minor incident that Farquharson’s chief driver, Alick, took exception to this habitual brutality and struck back, hitting young Farquharson with a heavy cudgel before he was dragged off by the other slaves who immediately gathered around the fray in a threatening manner.

Although no more violence is reported, Charles Farquharson faced great opposition as he tried to reason with his slaves the following morning.  Unfortunately, when three of the ringleaders were sent to Nassau for trial the following March, more violence was threatened by the Farquharson slaves.  Finally, after time spent at hard labor in the Nassau workhouse, all except Alick were returned to San Salvador.  Alick, for his crime of not tolerating abuse, was ordered sold and never saw San Salvador again.

Pompey

A few years before the Farquharson plantation unrest, there was the legendary slave revolt in Exuma led by Pompey.  It was early 1830 and, with only three days notice, a group of 77 of Lord Rolle’s slaves were told they were to be sent to Cat Island.  No husbands or wives or any children under 14 were to be separated but they were only given one weekend to pick their pea and bean crops, thrash their corn and dispose of their livestock.  Moreover, they would have to abandon fields of Indian corn that had just been planted.

With 32-year-old slave Pompey leading them, most of the slaves involved hid in the bush for five weeks until their provisions ran out.  It was at that point that 44 of them, representing nine families and three single slaves, stole Lord Rolle’s salt boat and sailed it to Nassau in an effort to personally put their case in front of the governor, Sir James Carmichael Smyth.

Sadly, the slaves were taken into custody and thrown into the workhouse before seeing the governor.  The adult slaves were tried immediately as runaways and most of them, including five women – two of whom were nursing babies – were sentenced to be flogged.

Although he had not been kept apprised of the events surrounding this case, when the governor, known for his sympathy towards slaves, found out, he was furious, immediately firing the police magistrate and the two justices of the peace involved in the case.  He also ordered Pompey and his group of rebels to be taken back to Exuma.

When they arrived back at Steventon, they were joyously hailed as heroes and subsequently all the other slaves refused to work.  This behavior alarmed those in authority over them so they called for military reinforcements from Nassau, telling the governor that an armed slave insurrection was imminent.  Fifty soldiers and the chief constable of The Bahamas landed in Exuma during the night of June 20, 1830.  The slaves were quiet but not prepared to go to work, saying that they had understood they were to be made free.  After a thorough search of the slave houses, the soldiers only found 25 old muskets and very small amounts of powder and shot, putting the idea of an armed insurrection to rest.

However, the soldiers were still worried and decided to march to Rolleville, another slave village, to search there.  Pompey knew a short-cut and reached Rolleville before the soldiers, warning the slaves there who hid in the bush.  Although only three muskets were found in Rolleville, Pompey was captured and taken back to Steventon where his public punishment of 39 lashes persuaded the slaves to go back to work.

Most of the soldiers returned to Nassau and Lord Rolle’s slaves were reportedly left “quiet and industrious” by the chief constable.  But Pompey’s rebellion was really the first time that Bahamian slaves had resisted a transfer and succeeded, establishing that Bahamian slaves could not be moved without their consent, a major achievement in beginning to establish that slaves were people who had civil rights.  The protest that arose when the flogging of the women became known throughout abolitionist circles gave great impetus to legislation, including the bill that granted full emancipation that would finally occur four years later.

Next week in part two of this series, we will look at how some 20th century events continued the march to majority rule, preparing even more Bahamians for the struggle that was begun by Alick and Pompey as they bravely stood up for their rights so long ago.

 

• Philip C. Galanis is the managing partner of HLB Galanis & Co., Chartered Accountants, Forensic & Litigation Support Services.  He served 15 years in Parliament.  Please send your comments to pgalanis@gmail.com.

January 06, 2014

thenassauguardian

- The March to Majority Rule, Part 2>>>

- The March to Majority Rule, Part 3>>>

- The March to Majority Rule, Part 4>>>

The Bahamas and the Case for Another National Holiday... ...the addition of Majority Rule Day... ...

By:	Llonella Gilbert
	Bahamas Information Services
	May 7, 2013

Bahamas Would Not Be Out Of Sync With 11 National Holidays

NASSAU, Bahamas -- Prime Minister the Rt. Hon. Perry G. Christie said based on random surveys of other nations, with 11 national holidays including the addition of Majority Rule Day, The Bahamas will not be out of sync with international norms.

The Prime Minister set out to prove that the concern about the aggregate number of public holidays in The Bahamas is “greatly exaggerated” as he wrapped up the debate on the Majority Rule Day Bill in House of Assembly, Monday, May 6, 2013.

“At present, we observe 10 national or public holidays in The Bahamas. The addition of Majority Rule Day will bring this number to 11. How does this compare with other countries?”

Prime Minister Christie said, “As a comparative frame of reference, the following should be noted:

In the U.S. there are 11 federal public holidays (one of these, it should be noted, is observed quadrennially (the others being observed annually).”

He explained that in Barbados, they also have 11 public holidays. (Of particular interest, Barbados has both a National Heroes Day and an Errol Barrow Day observed as separate national holidays).

“In Trinidad, they have as many as 14 national holidays.

“In the United Kingdom, the position varies: England has eight ‘bank’ holidays, as they are called, but Scotland and Northern Island which are integral parts of the United Kingdom have nine and 10 public holidays, respectively.”

He said in Bermuda, a colonial territory with whom The Bahamas has a great deal in common, both in terms of historical ties and basic economic configuration (tourism and financial services), there are 10 public holidays.

In the Cayman Islands, another colonial territory with which The Bahamas has certain economic similarities, they have 12 public holidays.

The Prime Minister explained that in continental Europe, in France, they have 12 public holidays.

“In Switzerland, a country that we have a lot to do with in terms of our financial services industry, holidays are set not by the federal government but by the 26 individual cantons into which the country is divided.

“Interestingly, however, for a country that justifiably prides itself on its work ethic, 17 of the 26 cantons have public holidays of 10 or more. In fact, there are some cantons in Switzerland that have as many as 14 to 15 public holidays every year.

“Indeed whether one looks at it intra-regionally, hemispherically, or globally, we will remain very much in line with the norms of developed and developing countries alike.”

Prime Minister Christie said he is aware that employers are concerned that additional holidays may translate into additional measurable financial losses during a time when many businesses are facing during difficult times as many countries are facing recessions and they want to ensure maximum productivity from workers.

“However, that is not an argument against making Majority Rule Day a public holiday. Rather it is, I would submit, an argument – and a perfectly legitimate argument - that perhaps the time has come for national bi-partisan consensus that the total number of public holidays should not increase beyond the total number that will come about when Majority Rule is added to the list.”

He added, “In other words the time has perhaps come for us to agree that after this addition of Majority Rule Day, no more holidays will be added in the future unless an existing holiday is eliminated. That way, the total number would remain stable for the indefinite future.”

Bahamas Gov

Caribbean Blog International

Majority Rule Day ...and Randol Fawkes Labour Day

Majority Rule To Become National Holiday- Labour Day named in Sir Randol’s honour

By Korvell Pyfrom
The Bahama Journal





The Christie administration has introduced legislation aimed at making Majority Rule a national holiday and renaming Labour Day in honour of the late Sir Randol Fawkes.

In the House of Assembly Wednesday, Prime Minister Perry Christie said that Majority Rule is in a class by itself and it outshines its competitors for the most singular place of honour in Bahamian history.

“Majority Rule belongs to all of us,” Mr. Christie said.

“It belongs to all Bahamians, not just black Bahamians and certainly not just to PLPs. It is perhaps understandable that in the years following 1967 there was a tendency by the PLP, both as the government and as a party, to claim exclusive proprietorship of Majority Rule and of January 10. In the context of the times that was understandable and there really is no need to apologise for it.”

Majority Rule was established on January 10, 1967. It followed the victory of the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) in that year’s General Elections ushering in a Bahamian government.

“The Bill that is before us now will give effect to what has long been the prayerful aspiration of many people in our society that the attainment of Majority Rule be accorded a special place of commemoration in the national calendar, and that each year we pause, in context of a national holiday, to give thanksgiving for the heroic struggles of those fearless men and women who from one generation the next carried, and then handed off, the baton of freedom until the relay was won on that glorious night 46-years ago.”

Labour Minister Shane Gibson also introduced a Bill aimed at renaming Labour Day in honour of the man considered the Father of the Labour Movement in The Bahamas, Sir Randol Fawkes.

“The award if this singular distinction on this outstanding pioneer in the trade union movement is not only deserving but most fitting because it comes at a time when we are about to celebrate 40-years of Independence in the Commonwealth of The Bahamas, 51-years after the first official Labour Day was celebrated in The Bahamas, and 71-years after the Riot of Burma Road,” Mr. Gibson said.

Both Bills are expected to receive unanimous support.

April 11, 2013

Jones Bahamas

Caribbean Blog International

Majority Rule is a concept that has long been lost in the everyday Bahamian way of life

Who says the majority rules?
thenassauguardian editorial


Today is being observed as Majority Rule Day in The Bahamas.

Historically, the day represents the emergence of a local, black Bahamian government, with the responsibility of helping Bahamians govern their own affairs and their future, as The Bahamas began its trek to Independence.

Now in its 44th year, Majority Rule Day continues to be observed as a day that honors those who contributed to The Bahamas we know today. However, mention the words “Majority Rule Day” to the average Bahamian and ask them what it is about and more than 85 percent will look at you like a deer staring into headlights.

Ask the average young person (between the ages of 15-25) and more than 90 percent will think you’re speaking a foreign language.

Not enough Bahamian history is being taught. Most Bahamians don’t know their history, and for the most part, many could care less.

But that’s another story for another time.

As far as celebrating Majority Rule Day is concerned, some feel it is pointless, considering the fact that The Bahamas finds itself in a contradiction from a socio-economic point-of-view. We live in a society where the minority rules the majority.

The rich minority controls and dictates the lifestyle of the majority of the poor Bahamians. We live in a society where “the rich gets richer” and the poor remains poor.

In addition, the idea of “government for and by the people” is not based in reality.

The Bahamian Parliament, which is supposed to represent and fight for the rights of Bahamians, seemingly pass laws that burden the average Bahamian and gives more power to the wealthy among us.

Majority Rule is a concept that has long been lost in the everyday Bahamian way of life. What it stood for in the past, seems to have less relevance and meaning today.

One of the co-founders of Majority Rule Day, former Governor General Arthur D. Hanna, noted that Majority Rule Day was an uphill battle “in that we couldn’t get a level playing field.

“The government of the day (United Bahamian Party - UBP) wanted to hold on to power, therefore, they had all kinds of tricks. One was how they dealt with constituencies.”

On the surface, it seems ironic that many of today’s governments have used the same “tricks” during elections in The Bahamas, but when one considers the fact that some of our leaders of today learned from those of the past, then we can understand certain similarities.

The concept which our forefathers fought for, does not hold the same significance today. So, we celebrate a day that has somehow lost its meaning and its focus, which is the Bahamian people.

We celebrate a day where the majority does not rule, but rather where the minority rules the majority.

1/10/2011

thenassauguardian editorial

Bahamas Blog Internaional