Wikileaks and Bahamian Politics: ...former Foreign Affairs Minister Fred Mitchell is accused of being ‘complicit in visa fraud’ and ‘pressuring’ staff at the ministry to issue visas to ‘ineligible’ Chinese applicants during his term in office... according to a secret U.S. Embassy cable tabled in the Senate

Mitchell accused of corruption

By Taneka Thompson
Guardian Senior Reporter
taneka@nasguard.com

A senior Ministry of Foreign Affairs official accused former Foreign Affairs Minister Fred Mitchell of being ‘complicit in visa fraud’ and ‘pressuring’ staff at the ministry to issue visas to ‘ineligible’ Chinese applicants during his term in office, according to a secret U.S. Embassy cable tabled in the Senate yesterday.

Bahamian Consular Affairs Chief Dorothea Lafleur also told an Embassy official that Mitchell was ‘likely receiving financial kickbacks for the visas that were issued’, though she said she had no hard proof of this, the cable said.  Leader of Government Business in the Senate Dion Foulkes tabled the cable, which was written on April 24, 2007, and published on the Internet by the whistleblower organization, WikiLeaks.

According to the cable, the U.S. Embassy’s consular chief met with Lafleur on April 12 at Lafleur’s invitation.

The cable said, “[Lafleur] accused Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell of complicity in pressuring consular officers to issue visas to patently ineligible applicants.

“She further alleged that Mitchell was involved in a fraudulent visa scam to bring in a large group of Chinese nationals.  According to Lafleur, Mitchell attempted to pressure consular officers to issue the visas and, when unsuccessful, attempted to bypass Bahamian consular law and division leadership.”

After Foulkes tabled the cable in the Senate, Mitchell released a statement, dismissing the allegations as fabrication from a disgruntled employee.

He said the fabrication is now being used in the government’s election smear campaign.  The former minister also told The Nassau Guardian he plans to sue Lafleur over the comments attributed to her in the cable.

He said the Free National Movement made similar claims back in 2007, which were unsupported after a police investigation found no evidence of wrongdoing in the ministry during his five years as minister.

The cable said Lafleur told the Embassy official that Mitchell directly ordered her to issue visas to 30 Chinese nationals whose applications were sponsored by then Member of Parliament Sidney Stubbs.

Lafleur said she refused to issue the visas and after pressure from Mitchell she asked for further documentation on the applicants, according to the cable.

“She was informed by Mitchell and Stubbs that they all were high-level managers at large, multinational Chinese companies in China and were coming to The Bahamas at the invitation of Stubbs for business related travel,” the cable said.

According to the cable, after a week-long review, the Chinese Embassy told Lafleur that there was no record of any of the companies listed by Mitchell “with the exception of one company which they characterized as a small ‘mom and pop operation’ in China”.

“Lafleur again refused to issue the visas,” the cable added.

The document also said: “Lafleur claims that as a result of her refusals, Mitchell appointed another official above her in the Consular Affairs Office, who would have the authority to issue over Lafleur’s denials.

“This unlawful appointment provoked the entire consular division to go on strike.”

The Embassy official noted in the cable that the strike was widely reported in the news, but it was attributed to administrative issues in the consular division.

“Mitchell was forced to remove his appointee from the oversight position to end the strike,” the cable said.

“He then tried to get the Chinese visas approved by assigning issuing power to the Bahamian Embassy in Beijing, staffed by an ambassador.  That idea was squashed when the permanent secretary asked Consular Affairs about the idea, and was told that the ambassador had no consular training and that the UK Embassy in Beijing was more qualified by virtue of language and cultural familiarity to issue visas on behalf of The Bahamas.”

The cable said Lafleur also stated that Mitchell had sent another Bahamian to China to promote travel (and visas) to The Bahamas, but that person lacked diplomatic status there and had been removed from the country as a visa overstay.

“Asked why Mitchell would be personally interested in facilitating fraudulent visa issuance to Chinese nationals, Lafleur alleged that Mitchell received a portion of whatever fee the Chinese nationals paid for the visa,” the cable said.

“While lacking hard proof, Lafleur cited the lack of support for the visas from the Chinese Embassy and the involvement of the notorious Sidney Stubbs.”

The cable said Lafleur also expressed relief that Mitchell would not be returning as Foreign Minister.

“Citing internal sources, and noting that Mitchell had already completely cleaned out his office at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Lafleur said that regardless of which party wins the election, Minister Mitchell would not be returning.

“Lafleur noted that she favored the governing PLP in the upcoming election, as long as the PLP does not reappoint Mitchell as foreign minister.”

The cable said Lafleur's bribery allegation adds credence to allegations that have long been circulating in The Bahamas regarding Mitchell, and which are being used by the opposition (FNM) to discredit Mitchell, who faces a tight race against a formidable opposition candidate for his  parliamentary seat, the 2007 cable said.

“The allegation also fits with a number of events that took place and suspicions that have been suggested by Ministry of Foreign Affairs contacts,” it added.

“For example, a staff walkout did take place within recent months that was poorly understood and explained in the media.  Newspaper reports have, however, hit around the edges of this scandal, and Mitchell is squarely in the cross hairs of the Free National Movement and its anti-corruption ‘It is About Trust’ election theme.

“In fact, FNM leader [Hubert] Ingraham has privately pledged to devote whatever resources it takes to defeat Mitchell.  The fact that Mitchell now also appears to be a target of his own senior staff — even staff that supports his party's re-election — adds more credibility to the view that Mitchell may not keep his Foreign Affairs portfolio even if he and the PLP are able to win re-election.”

But in his statement yesterday, Mitchell said, “There is not one scintilla of evidence to suggest any malfeasance by me in public office.  In fact, the record shows that with regard to both passport issuance and visa issuance I never issued any visa or passport to anyone or caused such an issuance. [The allegations] were discredited by a thorough police investigation, a management audit by the Public Service Commission and by the auditor general.”

During her contribution in the Senate yesterday, Leader of Opposition Business Allyson Maynard-Gibson said Foulkes’ comments were based on ‘Wikileaks gossip’.

She said there was an investigation into the allegations at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs before the PLP was voted out of office in May 2007 and added that “no irregularities were found”.

Foulkes tabled the document not long after Maynard-Gibson asked him to.

Feb 16, 2012

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

Wikileaks - US Embassy Nassau cables: Fred Mitchell criticizes the decision-making process in Perry Christie's Cabinet

Wikileaks reveals Mitchell 'criticism' of Christie cabinet

tribune242




CRITICISM of the decision-making process in Perry Christie's Cabinet made by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Fred Mitchell have been revealed in the latest US Embassy cables released by Wikileaks.

During a lunchtime meeting hosted by US Charge Robert Witajewski for Mr Mitchell and then Permanent Secretary for the US Foreign Ministry Patricia Rodgers on March 29, 2004, Mr Mitchell complained of prolonged Cabinet debate, according to the newly-released cable about the 'Bahamian perspective on Caricom and Haiti'.

In response, inquiries from the US envoy about the status of ratification of the comprehensive maritime agreement (CMA), which had been negotiated over 18 months, Mr Mitchell said it had been decided there would be a formal briefing to the Cabinet about the document because of its significance and complexity.

"Optimistically, Mitchell thought that this could be completed in two Cabinet sessions over a two-week period," Mr Witajewski reported in the cable.

"What is essentially a codification and rationalisation of existing agreements, Mitchell again wistfully mused about how the Bahamian decision-making process might be improved.

"He related that he had learned as a result of his Caricom attendance that in other Commonwealth countries, debate and intervention on issues in the Cabinet is restricted to their ministers whose portfolios are directly impacted by the issue, or ministers that assert fundamental issues of principle.

"In contrast, Mitchell intimated, in the Christie Cabinet of the Bahamas operates much less efficiently since any minister can intervene and express a view on any issue before the government."

When contacted by The Tribune yesterday, Mr Mitchell said: "I didn't say that, I dont think I said that at all. I just don't see myself engaging in that kind of dialogue with a US diplomat."

But according to the cable, the then Foreign Minister also complained about Caricom's "cumbersome" decision-making style and said too much time was wasted by the ceremonial opening and closing of the sessions at the latest meeting of Caricom heads of government in St Kitts.

He said if each government had not insisted "on getting their own paragraph" into the final declaration, "they might have both accomplished more and not have been forced to hold their closing press conference at 2am," according to the cable.

Caricom-US relations were also discussed during the meeting, as the status of ex-Haitian president Jean Bertrand Aristide, and Caricom's request for a UN investigation of the events related to Aristide's resignation and departure from Haiti, also came under discussion.

Mr Witajewski reported that Mr Mitchell described a 'north-south' division within Caricom on Haiti, as northern Caribbean countries are more careful to balance their interests with Caricom and the US, being cognisant of the importance of their relations with the US, while the southern Caribbean nations are, "guided by political agendas".

Mr Mitchell warned the US not to "overreact" to Jamaica's offer to take in ex-President Aristide as he insisted the US should not be concerned with or opposed to Aristide's presence in the Caribbean.

And he, "argued that a perceived 'banishing policy' has racial and historical overtones in the Caribbean that reminds inhabitants of the region of slavery and past abuse."

The former Minister also insisted the US should not be concerned with Aristide meddling in Haiti's internal affairs from Jamaica, and was, "emphatic that Jamaica will not allow Aristide to play such an intrusive role and would 'deal' with Aristide if such a situation were to arise."

In his comments on the meeting, Mr Witajewski commented on Mr Mitchell's character.

He said: "Foreign Minister Mitchell was his usual business-like self during lunch as he pursued his agenda of downplaying the consequences of a division between Caricom and the United States on Haiti.

"Underlying many of Mitchell's arguments was the premise that Caricom/The Bahamas as small countries take (and are entitled to take) principled stands while the US necessarily engages in real politick.

"Despite a life-long career as a politician in a country where politics is personalised to the extreme, neither kissing babies nor making small talk comes naturally to Fred Mitchell.

"He prefers to deal with agendas expeditiously and then engage in philosophical discussions or reviews of international relations drawing on his seminar's at Harvard's Kennedy School.

"Holding two time-consuming portfolios, managing the civicl service and foreign policy, is also taking its toll on Mitchell's private time.

"Mitchell told Charge a year ago that he hoped to write a 12 chapter book combining policy, history and personal ideology to be published on his 51st birthday. Ruefully, he admitted he hasn't progressed beyond chapter four."

Although he published a third edition of his book 'Great moments in PLP history' last year, including a previously unpublished essay entitle 'Pindling and Me', Mr Mitchell has not yet completed the project he spoke of seven years ago.

As he approaches his 58th birthday on October 5, Mr Mitchell said he still plans to write his book, before he retires, but it has taken longer than he anticipated.

"It's a combination of allocating the time to do it and putting retrospective notes in order, with the difficulty being that I am an active politician," Mr Mitchell said.

"But I am hoping to do it before I retire."

August 22, 2011

tribune242

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks: U.S. Embassy in Nassau cable on the 2004 Mohammed Harajchi controversy and the issue of money in politics in The Bahamas

Cable examined '04 Harajchi affair

CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com


The repeated call by some MPs this week for a law to address money in politics appears to be coming too late before the next general election to be taken seriously at this time, but a diplomatic cable that documented the 2004 Mohammed Harajchi controversy also highlights the need for such reform.

The scandal was dug from the grave momentarily in the House of Assembly yesterday evening by Carmichael MP Desmond Bannister, who noted that former Prime Minister Perry Christie never delivered on a promise to provide a full accounting of the contributions Harajchi made to the PLP in the run-up to the 2002 general election.

An American diplomat wrote of the affair in great detail in a cable obtained through WikiLeaks, pointing to the Iranian businessman’s controversial claim to have pumped millions of dollars into the PLP campaign.

As was done in previous cables, the U.S. Embassy official underscored the issue of money in politics in The Bahamas, but did not limit statements to the then ruling PLP.

“Both of The Bahamas' two major political parties live in glass houses when it comes to campaign contributions,” said the cable, which was classified by then U.S. Charge d’ Affaires Robert Witajewski.

“Harajchi claims to have been about putting down explicit quid pro quo markers in return for the contributions. As much as the FNM opposition might like to exploit Harajchi's corruption charges leveled against the Christie government and cast some rocks at the PLP's home, it knows that it too cannot afford close scrutiny of the source — and quid pro quos of — its own party's campaign contributions.”

The cable noted that Harajchi presented documentation of some of his financial contributions to the PLP during a press event held at his multi-million-dollar Paradise Island home on August 11, 2004.

Harajchi denied that his contributions (allegedly $10 million) were designed to gain reinstatement of his bank's operating license, which had been revoked in 2001, the cable pointed out.

It also noted that the PLP issued a statement highlighting Harajchi's confirmation that he received no political favors in exchange for his contributions.

“Prime Minister Christie, who raised Harajchi's pending announcement three times with the charge at an unrelated event, appearing uneasy and preoccupied, and released a press statement on August 12 angrily denying that he or his ministers had accepted improper contributions. The PM specifically denied that he had received $500,000 from Harajchi to renovate his Cable Beach home.

“Christie promised that the PLP would soon give a full and accurate accounting of Harajchi's donations.”

Speaking in the House of Assembly yesterday evening during debate on a bill to amend the Parliamentary Elections Act, Bannister also repeated that Christie promised the accounting on the Harajchi contributions.

“Mr. Speaker, we are still awaiting details on that accounting,” Bannister said. “We are late again, Mr. Speaker.”

The cable added, “Harajchi claimed that he had been approached, either directly or via intermediaries, by ‘90 percent of the (Christie) Cabinet’ for campaign contributions, had helped to refurbish PLP headquarters, and had underwritten several PLP political rallies, among other things.

“Harajchi denied that his generosity was designed to win back the operating license of his bank... Harajchi lost several court appeals to have his license reinstated.”

The cable noted that Harajchi insisted to reporters that Christie reached out to him prior to the 2002 campaign to express his belief that Harajchi's bank license case had been handled badly. Harajchi said he told Christie that he was no longer fighting to get his license restored, but rather to get ‘justice’ and clear his name.

“When asked in a press conference if Christie made him any promises regarding his bank license, Harajchi declined to answer, calling the prime minister ‘an honorable man’ and advising reporters to take the matter up with him directly,” the cable said.

At a press conference, the PLP emphasized that it is neither illegal or improper for political parties in The Bahamas to accept donations from individuals, and highlighted attention on Harajchi's confirmation that he had received no favor or promise in exchange for his financial donation.

In the comment section of the cable, the U.S. Embassy official wrote: “Prime Minister Christie spent the hours before Harajchi's press event at the opening of a disaster preparedness conference sponsored by the Bahamian National Emergency Management Agency.

“During the course of the morning, the PM quietly raised Harajchi's pending press conference three times with the charge as the two sat next to each other and talked. Christie uncharacteristically stayed for the entire event and seemed reluctant to go back to his office where, he knew, reporters would be awaiting his response to Harajchi's allegations.”

The cable noted that after previously leaving the public comments to his ministers, Christie personally turned his guns on Harajchi in an effort to decisively disassociate himself and his party from the businessman.

In the weeks and months that followed, the Harajchi controversy died, as did talk of money in campaigns.

It flared up again several times since then.

According to a criminal complaint filed in 2009 in support of money laundering related charges against Bahamian attorney Sidney Cambridge, then Broward County Commissioner Josephus Eggelletion told an undercover FBI agent that he was going to raise funds for sitting Prime Minister Christie’s 2007 re-election bid.

It was a claim Christie strongly denied.

The PLP leader told The Nassau Guardian just days ago that there ought to be a law to address campaign finances, and expressed regret that he was not able to get to the issue while in office.

Several MPs also raised the issue this week during contribution to the debate in the House of Assembly on the bill to amend the Parliamentary Elections Act.

This issue of campaign finances has been discussed on and off on the national scene for years.

In 2006, former Attorney General Paul Adderley said The Bahamas had been "severely influenced" by money in politics for more than 100 years, and it was time somebody did something about it.

"We're trying to do something about the influence that rich men can have or try to have over politicians. Don't let us fool around with this one in terms of what we're trying to do," said Adderley, who at the time headed the Christie-appointed Constitutional Review Commission.

Adderley's Commission lost its life under the FNM administration, but had recommended that Parliament prescribe controls and limits over donations to political parties, candidates and political campaign expenditure to ensure transparency and accountability in local and national elections.

The need to reform campaign finances is something that officials from both major political parties seem to agree on.

In 2006, former FNM leader and current Minister of National Security Tommy Turnquest said, "I believe we ought to begin steps to move toward some sort of campaign finance reform. I think there ought to be some transparency and accountability with respect to how political parties receive funding."

Jun 30, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks - 2003 confidential U.S. Embassy in Nassau cable: “Challenges of Illegal Migration; Can The Bahamas Manage?”

Heavy Haitian burden

U.S. cables question The Bahamas' capacity to manage illegal immigration

BY ERICA WELLS
NG Managing Editor
thenassauguardian
erica@nasguard.com


When the United Nations last week urged countries with high Haitian refugee populations to stop repatriations, the highly emotional and contentious issues surrounding The Bahamas’ own immigration challenges once again took center stage.

The U.N. argues that the conditions in the impoverished country continue to be “precarious” since the January 2010 7.0 magnitude earthquake. The Bahamas, which temporarily halted repatriations to Haiti following the earthquake, says that if a formal request is made, it will be taken under consideration. Illegal Haitian migration places a heavy burden on the local economy.

It’s an issue that is always there but the approach to tackling the country’s immigration issues — largely surrounding Haitians — has been an obvious challenge for successive governments due in large part to limited resources and some would say, a lack of planning.

The Bahamas’ challenge of illegal migration was a topic of a 2003 confidential U.S. Embassy cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian through WikiLeaks.

The cable, headlined, “Challenges of Illegal Migration; Can The Bahamas Manage?” addressed the need for The Bahamas to add a mass migration contingency component to its ongoing natural disaster planning.

The cable stated that the Department of Immigration was unprepared for mass migration.

Then Director of Immigration Vernon Burrows admitted to Nancy Iris, Deputy Director for the Bureau of Population, Refugee and Migration (PRM) who visited Nassau from October 13 - October 17, 2003 that “migration is a scary issue for us. We can’t handle more (migrants) than we already have,” according to the cable.

At that time, the Carmichael Road Detention Center had the capacity to house 500 migrants indoors, with enough land to erect tents to provide shelter for an additional 500 detainees. At the time there were just under 200 people being detained, the majority being Haitians and Cubans.

“If there should be a sudden increase in these numbers, there is no GCOB (Government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas) plan for how to attain the additional food, beds, or shelter.

“Burrows suggested that GCOB has no contingency plan for a spike in migration, although this was disputed by other government officials who claimed that a draft plan is under preparation.”

The cable also noted the “complexity and inefficiency” of processing asylum requests in The Bahamas.

Once one of the few trained senior immigration officials has completed the interview, the information is sent to UNHCR in Washington for an assessment of the case. Their recommendation is then forwarded to the Department of Immigration, who then passes it to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Cabinet approval.

According to the cable, the senior immigration official who spoke with Ms. Iris admitted that this is a slow and laborious process, especially given that the final designation must be made by Cabinet, “an unusually high level of decision making for such a determination”.

“The senior official told Ms. Iris that where Cubans are automatically pre screened for asylum, Haitians must request the interview. Few Haitians actually request an interview for asylum, perhaps because they believe their efforts would be futile,” according to the cable.

“Haitians are also at a disadvantage in the interview process because there is no full-time Creole-speaker at the detention center, and despite relatively high Haitian' migrants' rate of illiteracy, there is limited help in filling out the requisite forms for seeking asylum. For calendar year 2002, only four migrants were given refugee status, according to Bahamian officials.”

The cable also noted that the Detention Center used to house illegal migrants appeared inadequate in terms of space and services given the number of detainees housed there.

“Children held at this facility are given no access to education even if their length of stay extends for several months. Limited healthcare, restricted access to outside communication and legal advice, difficulty in obtaining toiletries and necessary clothing, and small food portions are the main complaints from migrants.

“Should the Detention Center ever receive a large increase in its numbers, (an official) admitted that the sewage and plumbing systems, security and the current food distribution method would be woefully inadequate.”

There were also concerns of an uprising should the migrants' numbers increase, as various ethnic groups of different languages and cultures are held in the same dorms at a time.

A political mine field

A U.S. Embassy official concluded in a separate cable that the bottom line for The Bahamas on Haiti “is the fear of mass migration and doing anything that might trigger an outflow”.

This concern was highlighted in a Confidential 2003 cable headlined “Bahamas Unlikely to Pressure Aristide.”

While then Minister of Foreign Affairs Fred Mitchell acknowledged problems with democracy in Haiti at the time, he made it clear to U.S. Embassy officials that The Bahamian government preferred continued engagement with President Aristide to any type of public confrontation.

“Mitchell’s main concern is doing whatever he can to slow down illegal immigration from Haiti — a key domestic political imperative — and he has been fruitless pursing an immigration accord with the Government of Haiti for several months,” according to the cable.

The cable noted that Mitchell in particular made conclusion of an immigration agreement his top foreign policy priority.

“Our sources in the Immigration Department tell us the negotiations are not going well, stalled over Haitian insistence on an amnesty for the 30,000 – 100,000 Haitians already in The Bahamas (most illegally),” stated the cable.

“Such concession would be suicide for Mitchell in the xenophobic Bahamian political landscape. “

According to the cable, the pursuit of that agreement and any other means to slow down migration would continue to push any concerns for democracy and human rights into the backseat.

“While The Bahamas will remain engaged on Haiti, the Christie government will resist any effort to put real teeth into any diplomatic effort to Pressure Aristide, preferring (endless) conversation and dialogue to the alternative,” the cable stated.

A thorny issue

The issue of Haitian migration obviously goes beyond the country’s capacity to deal with a mass influx, or the political fallout of such an event.

The topic of illegal immigration and how to stem its flow and impact on the country spurs heated discussions.

Author and playwright and Nassau Guardian columnist Ian Strachan recently wrote in his East St. Blues column that the Haitian “problem” is shaped by a number of factors.

“Haitian migrants are a crucial source of cheap, reliable, motivated labor, particularly in the agricultural sector. Increasingly, however, as the middle class shrinks and the ranks of the Bahamian working poor swell, there is growing resentment toward Haitian immigrants and their children because they are now competing for jobs deemed above their social station,” Strachan writes.

“Where once a Haitian only worked as a gardener, farmer, grounds keeper or “handyman”—work young Bahamian men have looked down on for the past forty years—they are now working at gas stations, in hardware stores, and gaining employment as masons and carpenters, jobs Bahamian men have dominated. Many a Bahamian contractor prefers Haitian immigrant labor to Bahamian, not simply because it is cheaper, but because it is better.

“There is also the real and perceived strain on national services, such as education and health care, created by the immigrant influx. And there are national security concerns, fed by the fear of Haitian immigrants ‘violent’ people. Added to this are Bahamians’ fears of cultural erasure, and political/economic displacement due to the perception of Haitians as a lurking enemy intent on ‘taking over’.”

Well-known businessman Rick Lowe, in a recent letter to the editor wrote that the approach to finding a permanent solution to the country’s immigration issues has been “lackadaisical”.

Lowe offered the following suggestions:

• Policing of illegal immigrants who are here must be improved.

• Legalize the status of many of the Haitians who have been here for generations.

• Provide property rights for the squatters and figure out how to phase their status in so they can eventually become full citizens or leave voluntarily.

The U.S. Embassy cables also note the sensitive social issues connected to the Haitian population in The Bahamas.

“Bahamians strongly resent the social cost, cultural impact, and crime linked – in popular stereotypes certainly – to Haitian immigration. These sentiments are confirmed in contacts with government officials, political activists, especially the youth, and NGO leaders who interact with both communities,” the Americans observed in a cable.

“Haitians are thought to impose disproportionate demands on inadequate social services, primarily health and education, due to the higher birth rate in the Haitian community.”

These issues, the Americans observed, have the potential to explode someday in The Bahamas if constructive policies are not introduced to further integration.

Immigration is a national issue that will no doubt top any administration’s national agenda and will require some tough and politically tough decisions.

Jun 27, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks U.S. Embassy cables Nassau: Brent Symonette - Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs had encouraged “informal back-channel communication” with U.S. Embassy personnel, apparently because he had little faith in civil servants

Cables: FNM had 'hostile takeover' of civil service


BY CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com


When it came to office in 2007, the Ingraham administration was greeted by a recalcitrant civil service that was so bureaucratic and inefficient in its operations that the new government felt it was in the midst of a “hostile takeover”, according to cables obtained through WikiLeaks.

In several cables, the Americans highlight concerns about unhelpful civil servants, bureaucratic frustrations and inefficient operations.

In a 2003 cable, a U.S. Embassy official wrote: “The Bahamian civil service has honed sloth and delay disguised as deliberation and consensus-building to a fine art.”

In a 2007 cable, another official wrote that the new Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Brent Symonette had encouraged “informal back-channel communication” with U.S. Embassy personnel, apparently because he had little faith in civil servants.

“He explained that the new government was effectively in the midst of a ‘hostile takeover’ of the bureaucracy and that it would take time for them to get a handle on the machinery of government.

“He told the Charge that we should not assume that information provided to ministry staff — or diplomatic representatives abroad — would get to him.”

As a result, Symonette suggested weekly or bi-weekly meetings with the then Charge d’ Affaires Dr. Brent Hardt to review priority issues so he could ensure necessary follow up.

“The charge welcomed the suggestion and expressed his appreciation for the openness and commitment to action on key issues,” said the 2007 cable.

“The foreign minister also noted that in his role as DPM, [Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham] wanted him to be a troubleshooter who could delve into issues that cut across ministerial portfolios.

“In contrast to former PM (Perry) Christie's consensus-oriented government, PM Ingraham's government will be top-down, and Symonette has offered us rare access at the top. This access and the open lines of communication suggest that an already close bilateral relationship will get even better under Ingraham's and Symonette's stewardship.”

In a cable written in 2008, a U.S. Embassy official commented on restructuring efforts in certain public service departments, as well as announced Cabinet changes.

“The reassignment of so many senior civil servants along with the Cabinet reshuffle may indicate that the Ingraham administration is completing its hostile takeover of the recalcitrant bureaucracy left over from the previous government,” the cable said.

Those changes came as the global economic crisis began to take hold and The Bahamas was starting to feel the effects in a major way.

“The greater concentration of portfolios in the hands of the prime minister and deputy prime minister also indicates a firmer grip on the reins,” an embassy official wrote.

“High-profile new government initiatives on sustainable energy, tourism, and education, continue to reflect the key importance of the [Government of The Bahamas’] relationship with the U.S.

“They also come in the face of painfully high energy prices for consumers and a rapidly softening tourism economy, leading to increasing insecurity about jobs.

“Visitor arrivals have declined even more steeply than usual in the traditional off-season, according to newspaper reports and anecdotal evidence, leaving premier Bahamian tourist destinations nearly empty and hotels struggling to fill rooms.

“The fractious opposition lacks a coherent social program or a response to the current, unfavorable economic trends.”

Jun 27, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks: ...U.S. Embassy cables document the unsuccessful diplomatic maneuvers made over two administrations to get a go-ahead for liquefied natural gas (LNG) pipelines from Florida to The Bahamas

Failed diplomacy in LNG bid


By CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com


A series of U.S. Embassy cables document the unsuccessful diplomatic maneuvers made over two administrations to get a go-ahead for liquefied natural gas (LNG) pipelines from Florida to The Bahamas.

One of the cables obtained by The Nassau Guardian through the whistleblower organization WikiLeaks said that in 2009 AES Corporation proposed constructing an LNG pipeline from Ocean Cay near Bimini to New Providence at no cost.

According to a former AES representative, when this idea was presented to Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham, the PM said he “wouldn’t be pushed into doing it.”

AES eventually decided to forgo this idea due to technological challenges and associated costs, the 2009 cable said.

The cables show aggressive steps taken by companies like AES in an effort to convince, first the Christie administration, and then the Ingraham administration to approve the project.

In 2005, AES representatives met with then U.S. Ambassador to The Bahamas John Rood to discuss the status of their proposed $650 million LNG project.

“AES expressed its frustration at the inability to get a final decision from Prime Minister Perry G. Christie, whom they claim is delaying a decision in an effort to get them to withdraw so he will not be blamed for the project’s failure,” a U.S. Embassy official wrote in a cable.

“AES is the current front-runner to get the LNG project. Opposition has centered on the impact any possible environmental damage would have on the Bahamian tourist industry.”

The government at the time was also considering a pair of competing proposals for an LNG facility and pipeline in The Bahamas.

Both projects would have included an import terminal, a re-gasification plant, and an undersea pipeline to South Florida, in addition to other support infrastructure.

The AES project called for the construction of an LNG facility on Ocean Cay near Bimini.

The cable claimed the AES officials met with the ambassador “to provide an update on their LNG proposal and to request assistance in dealing with an indecisive Christie Cabinet.”

However, other cables show that AES officials were equally frustrated by the Ingraham Cabinet’s failure to make a decision on the project in a timely fashion.

At the 2005 meeting with the ambassador, AES representative Aaron Samson said the company had already spent more than $55 million on the project, and noted that an agreement in principle had been signed, “and the prime minister will not speak to them because there are no other requirements that AES must satisfy,” the cable said.

“AES officials are especially frustrated with Bahamians and complained that although they have visited an operating AES LNG plant and seemed to be convinced of its safety, they now fail to speak out in favor of an LNG plant on Ocean Cay,” the embassy official wrote.

The official said that at an earlier meeting, David Davis and Ronald Thompson of the Office of the Prime Minister said that in their opinion “LNG is dead”.

The cable noted that then Minister of Trade and Industry Leslie Miller, the government’s chief proponent of LNG, estimated that the project would generate approximately $40 million in average annual revenues over the course of 25 years, for a total contribution to the Public Treasury of nearly $1 billion.

The project was also expected to create about 450 jobs during the construction phase and 25 to 35 permanent positions.

The cable noted that Minister Miller had alleged in a radio interview that the environmental group Re-Earth’s opposition to LNG was getting more media attention than it normally might because the group’s leader, Sam Duncombe, is white.

“Had this been a regular Bahamian of a hue like you and I, it would not have been tolerated or she would not have gotten the coverage that she has certainly gotten,” Miller was quoted as saying.

The cable also documented the nasty exchange on Cat Cay between Miller and Cat Cay investor Manuel Diaz.

A protracted debate

In the comment section of the cable, the embassy official wrote, “The consideration of the various LNG proposals typifies the slow and opaque decision-making process of the Christie government.

“Government ministers have been promising a decision ‘in a few weeks’ for nearly two years.

“Even for the consensus-driven society of The Bahamas, the LNG debate has been long, protracted, and increasingly bitter.”

The embassy official wrongly predicted, “In the end a cash-strapped Bahamian government may be forced to make a decision about an LNG facility so it can start collecting the revenue the project will generate.”

In another 2005 cable, Christie told Ambassador Rood he did not want the Cabinet to touch the LNG issue while he was recovering from his stroke.

“He acknowledged that certain Cabinet members — Foreign Minister Fred Mitchell; Tourism Minister Obie Wilchcombe and Transport Minister Glenys Hanna-Martin — were resolutely against LNG, but that many others saw the benefit the project would have for The Bahamas,” the cable said.

“The PM gave his assurances that LNG ‘would be dealt with’.”

But it never was before the change of government in 2007.

The Americans’ hope that LNG would be approved under Ingraham also turned out to be wrong.

After a courtesy call on Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister Brent Symonette by U.S. Charge d’ Affaires Brent Hardt in 2007, an embassy official noted in a cable that Symonette was against approving any such projects.

In June 2007, Phenton Neymour, state minister responsible for energy issues, noted that the new government had not had time to address the LNG issue “but he signaled that the door was still open to eventual approval.”

“Views on LNG within the new Cabinet are quite diverse, with some ministers known to be strongly opposed and some in favor,” an embassy official wrote.

“Having provided the initial approvals for LNG development back in 2002, however, the FNM will certainly take a close look at whether to move ahead with what would be an important new economic direction that would help diversify the tourism-dependent economy.

“Energy prices are very high in The Bahamas and the embassy continues to encourage the government to explore alternative sources of energy.”

Recognizing though that LNG was not a priority for the Ingraham-led government, AES officials planned to review other ancillary projects on Ocean Cay including a rest stop for cruise ships and reopening mining operations on the island.

A source close to AES told The Nassau Guardian that while the project was never officially taken off the table, it is not now being aggressively pursued.

Jun 24, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks: A U.S. diplomatic cable described Bahamian culture as one that “celebrates heterosexual prowess”, while still proclaiming its “overt religiosity.”

Cables examine Bahamian views on gay rights

BY JUAN McCARTNEY
NG Senior Reporter
thenassauguardian
juan@nasguard.com




As many Bahamians remain divided on the issue of gay rights in light of a recent United Nations Human Rights Council vote, some of them may find U.S. diplomats’ views on Bahamian sexual attitudes telling.

A U.S. diplomatic cable obtained by The Nassau Guardian through WikiLeaks described Bahamian culture as one that “celebrates heterosexual prowess”, while still proclaiming its “overt religiosity.”

”Bahamians also wryly acknowledge their compartmentalized religious beliefs, commemorated in a popular Bahamian ballad recounting the shortcomings of the ‘Sunday Christian’ who weekly repents their previous six days of sinfulness,” the cable asserted.

Bahamians who came out publicly against gay rights were also described as more “loud” than “violent.”

This opinion was espoused shortly after plans were announced to protest the arrival of thousands of gay cruise ship passengers and their families in Nassau on July 16, 2004.

The passengers were traveling on ‘The Norwegian Dawn’.

When news of a counter-protest by gay rights organization Rainbow Alliance at the same time and location was also announced, U.S. officials asked Bahamian law enforcement personnel to commit extra resources to ensure the safety of American tourists.

But the cable noted that The Bahamas has a “peaceful culture where the fire and brimstone generally stays verbal rather than physical.”

However, despite the feeling that those planning to protest were merely posturing, the U.S. Embassy still prepared meticulously for any unrest, monitoring media coverage of the upcoming events.

In preparation, officials at the U.S. Embassy also made contact with the Ministry of Tourism, former Bahamas Christian Council (BCC) president Dr. William Thompson and now retired Anglican Archbishop of the West Indies Drexel Gomez.

“The newly-elected (BCC) had been taking a more modulated stance on many issues since taking office, including homosexuality, than did the previous administration,” claimed the cable.

“When contacted…on July 14, Reverend Dr. Thompson…said that he stands by his ‘don't ask, don't tell’ policy,” the cable reported.

The cable claimed Thompson said the council welcomed anyone to The Bahamas but did not want visitors to “push their beliefs” on Bahamians.

According to the cable, Gomez told a U.S. Embassy official that he saw "no advantage or benefit" to demonstrating against the visit.

The cable said that then Prime Minister Perry Christie found himself “between a rock and a hard place on this controversy.”

“He owes his election to the active intervention of the conservative end of the Bahamian Protestant religious spectrum. He also knows that 60 percent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) depends on tourism,” the cable noted. “The (conservative) churches who were his main backers in the last election expect some payback.”

The cable further commented: “The Free National Movement opposition is enjoying watching him squirm and doing its best to tighten the screws by repeatedly calling upon him to take a principled stand.”

There was a moderate protest when the cruise ship arrived, but there were no notable developments.

The Bahamas recently came out squarely in favor of the right to choose sexuality being a human right and the U.N. decision to condemn discrimination against gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people.

Jun 22, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks: 2007 U.S. Embassy diplomatic cables on the 2007 general election in The Bahamas

Cables examined 2007 PLP loss



CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com


As politicians in The Bahamas craft their strategies ahead of the next general election, an examination of U.S. diplomatic cables on the 2007 poll may prove instructive.

One May 2007 cable said the Progressive Liberal Party held many advantages going into that election.

“It was a well-financed incumbent, held 29 of the 40 seats in Parliament, and boasted of a strong economy, job growth, and billions of dollars in new investments,” wrote a U.S. Embassy official.

“However, the PLP made a tactical error by focusing the election on the personalities of the two party leaders.

“Unlike former Prime Minister (Perry) Christie, (FNM leader Hubert) Ingraham is decisive — so much so that many blamed the FNM's 2002 election defeat on ‘Hubiggety’ Ingraham's imperial attitude.

“By focusing on personality, the PLP allowed the FNM to hammer away at the themes of trust and efficiency.”

It is not clear which official wrote that particular cable, but the name of Brent Hardt, then charge d’ affaires, is attached.

The cable noted that Ingraham, also known as ‘The Delivery Boy,’ is famous for his blunt honesty and his ability to deliver on his promises.

“This contrasted favorably for voters with Christie's reputation for tardiness, lack of control over his ministers, and inability to make tough decisions.”

The U.S. Embassy official wrote that the PLP's campaign theme —"So Said, So Done" — only served to highlight its own lack of action on outstanding electoral promises.

The cable said the FNM's theme — "It's About Trust" — resonated with a populace frustrated by Christie's scandal-plagued MPs, and the FNM buttressed this theme with pledges of open government and anti-corruption legislation.

The FNM's victory came also from its superior party organization, the cable said.
“In a 2005 conversation with the charge, PLP chairman Raynard Rigby had praised Ingraham's skills as a grassroots campaign organizer and predicted a tough fight for the PLP if Ingraham resumed party leadership,” the cable wrote.

“Rigby's prediction came true, as the FNM's party machinery was the driving force during the election. FNM constituency workers were electronically connected to headquarters and its detailed electronic maps and databases, with clear plans for house-to-house outreach and a unified approach to national advertising.”

The cable added, “Even on election day, FNM election workers coordinated like cogs in a well-oiled national machine while PLP workers labored, constituency by constituency, with little evident coordination.”

In a pre-election meeting, Ingraham told the embassy that Christie was a likable man and gifted speaker, but he was the last person you would want to organize a government.

“The prime minister's office was notorious inside and outside the government for its inefficiency and disorder,” the cable said.

“The PLP's inability to organize itself effectively for the election clearly flowed from the top.

“In fact, Christie's indecisiveness kept him from calling an early election, when the FNM was in leadership crisis and Ingraham still had one foot in retirement.

“Instead he waited until the last possible moment and thereby allowed Ingraham and the FNM the maximum time to get their feared organizational machinery in gear.”

The cable said demographic shifts also played a key role in the election.

“Traditional PLP seats in the low-income center of New Providence and traditional FNM seats on the beachfronts were fairly secure for each party,” it said.

“However, as The Bahamas has developed and as income and education levels have risen, constituents have moved from the traditional PLP areas into new middle-class areas.”

This shift has expanded the potential FNM base and eroded traditional loyalty to the PLP as the party of independence among those who view the FNM agenda as better suited to middle-class sensibilities, the cable said.

As a result, the FNM took most of the battleground districts with mixed constituencies, it added.

Another key demographic change was the large increase in young and first-time voters who are less tolerant of traditional Caribbean handout politics and want their representatives to deliver good governance, it added.

In fact, perceptions of poor PLP performance in government dogged PLP candidates, the embassy official wrote.

“While the FNM candidates discussed their plans to develop local government and improve services, the PLP candidates were forced to defend their sketchy record,” the cable said.
“In many cases, constituents were fed up with poor trash collection, bad roads, and perceived indifference of the parliamentary representatives to their concerns.”

According to the cable, these three winning factors — demographic shifts, national party organization and a focus on good governance —framed an election of differing campaign styles and parties with differing core values.

“The PLP is still the party of Lynden Pindling, the father of Bahamian independence whose later years were tarnished by allegations of drug-related corruption,” the embassy official wrote.

Rooted in the working-class neighborhoods of The Bahamas and quick to evoke issue of race, the PLP continued to campaign in the Pindling era style of perks for constituents, the cable said.

“The FNM victory reflects a politically maturing Bahamas, focused on modern governance and a more integrated, national approach to politics that clearly attracted younger and middle-class voters towards the party.”

The official noted that the 2007 race was the closest in decades and said “the PLP is well positioned to be a strong opposition in Parliament.”

Jun 20, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks: Perry Christie, the United States Embassy in Nassau diplomatic cables on The Bahamas and the Leadership issue

Christie, the Cables and the Leadership issue


BY BRENT DEAN
NG Deputy News Editor
thenassauguardian
brentldean@nasguard.com


A journey through the files in the archives of The Nassau Guardian on Perry Christie confronts the investigator with the privileged life of a man who has done much, seen much and been a key part of the history of the modern Bahamas.

He was a favorite of Sir Lynden Pindling; he was a senator, member of Parliament, Cabinet minister and prime minister; he married one of the more beautiful women ever produced by these islands.

Despite all this, Christie has a problem – a big problem. Some in his party, his good friend Hubert Ingraham and a significant part of the electorate find him to be a leader who has great difficulty steering an organized and disciplined ship.

The release of the leaked diplomatic cables from the United States Embassy in Nassau by WikiLeaks revealed that diplomats from the richest and most powerful nation in the world shared the same view.

In a tight election, such criticism does not help. And that criticism was not the Americans parroting Free National Movement (FNM) propaganda. It was their view based primarily on their engagement with Christie and his government from 2002 to 2007.

For powerful politicians, being told the truth by those close to you is rare. Everybody wants something from ‘the chief’. So, they tell him what he needs to hear to keep him happy in order to get what they want.

What the Americans said about Christie is what his friend Hubert Ingraham says about him publicly and privately. What the Americans said about Christie is also what many of his supporters and party officers say about him in secret during conversations with journalists.

With such a range of people, PLPs and FNMs, thinking that the labels ‘indecisive’, ‘late’, and ‘disorganized’ truly describe Christie, he needs to pause and consider why they all have come to this view.

Many of the scandals and gaffes the PLP has endured during its last term in office, and during this term in opposition, result from the lack of fear and respect of Christie and his opting not to level hard punishment swiftly against some of those he leads.

Despite the crime problem in the country, despite the down economy, the PLP and Christie will only win the next general election if Bahamians think he has changed.

Christie, simply put, must search within himself and be stronger, more organized, more focused and more aggressive than he has been since he assumed leadership of the PLP in 1997 if he seriously wants to be PM one more time.

If the Valley Boy with the beautiful wife, the beautiful home and the beautiful life continues to think the criticisms of him are just believed by a few, that denial will allow Ingraham to steal one more contest from him, forever relegating Christie in the history books to being the one-term PM who could never come back.

When diplomats from our closest ally, after engaging with you for years at the highest levels, speak of your leadership style with ridicule and condescension, shouldn't that be a wakeup call for change?

The American view of Christie in the cables

Sitting and talking once to a PLP who knows Christie well, the question was posed to him, “Why does Christie wait so long to resolve some situations, allowing small problems to escalate into crises?”

The PLP sighed and replied, “Christie is intelligent and he is usually aware of the scope of an issue. However, he has a problem. He likes to be liked, does not like to be disliked and he too often wants to be all things to all people.”

Christie's indecisiveness, or hesitance to make quick tough decisions as the PLP described it, is not due to lack of capacity. That supporter thought the nice guy simply had an aversion to coming to conclusions that disappointed or angered others.

Throughout the diplomatic cables on The Bahamas, the Americans touch on this issue of leadership and decisiveness. That PLP member was kind in his analysis of Christie. The Americans set feelings aside in their internal correspondence.

“Christie has a well-deserved reputation as a waffling, indecisive leader, who procrastinates and often fails to act altogether while awaiting an elusive consensus in his Cabinet,” said a cable in April 2007.

The Americans acknowledged that Christie was capable. That issue was not in question.
In a February 2004 cable on Christie’s role in negotiations on Haiti the Americans said that while his decision-making style may be "protracted and indecisive" Christie was also an "impressive, dynamic, charismatic and ebullient presence."

Ingraham, Christie’s friend and former law partner, regularly pokes at this issue of decisiveness when he talks about the PLP leader publicly, and apparently privately too.

In the recent budget debate, while chiding Christie for being ‘late again’ for not delivering his party’s recommendations for amendments to the country’s election laws, Ingraham told Christie to his face that he “is not” a leader.

In a 2003 conversation with U.S. diplomats, according to a cable, Ingraham fleshed out his thoughts on Christie’s leadership style.

“He (Ingraham) said that he believes Christie is a good man and well intentioned, but criticized his leadership style,” said the cable.

“Ingraham said, ‘Perry has always been indecisive, and will always be indecisive. It's just the way he is. He can't change.’ He also alleged that Christie had no real vision other than a general desire to improve social programs, and nothing he really wanted to accomplish.”

In an interview with The Nassau Guardian earlier this month, Christie defended his legacy.

He said he was disappointed as a public official that U.S. Embassy officials seem to have taken on FNM propaganda about him.

“Anyone who sat around that table would know that I was in charge of my Cabinet, and that whether it’s foreign affairs or any other subject, that I would have been very assiduous in understanding all of the issues,” he said.

Christie has been officially in charge of the PLP, in and out of government, for about 14 years. No one has suggested that he is not in charge of the organization. What he must prove is that he can use that authority to take charge of the host of characters in his party who have a wide range of competing interests.

A divided house shall not stand

The PLP and the FNM have been closely divided since the 2007 general election. The FNM won that contest by fewer than 4,000 votes after nearly 139,000 votes were cast.

In the February 2010 Elizabeth by-election, FNM candidate Dr. Duane Sands was ahead by two votes after counting concluded. PLP candidate Ryan Pinder won the seat after the Election Court allowed five votes in his favor.

A reasonable examination of the 41 constituency seats in the country could break down the current political landscape as follows based on the current constituency boundaries: there are nine safe PLP seats; eight safe FNM seats; five seats that lean FNM; five seats that lean PLP and 14 swing seats.

It is likely that significant negative perception of Christie, as revealed by the study done by the Greenberg group for the PLP after it lost in 2007, remains a major factor behind the PLP being unable to break clearly away from the FNM and win a landslide majority during these difficult times for the country. A fourth murder record in five years will be set this year and the country is not clearly and definitively out of the recession that started after the financial crisis of 2008.

In private conversations, some PLPs feel trapped. They know this is an election they should win, but perceptions of Christie by the electorate are problematic. And because the party is set up to allow leaders 'god-like' power, Christie cannot be moved.

So these PLPs, in many instances, publicly praise Christie and savage him in private conversations. In fact, some speak worse of Christie that they do of Ingraham.

They do this because they do not believe in their leader. They merely say they do to advance their own desire to return to power under the banner of the PLP. The public senses this duplicity. It is yet another barrier to PLP success.

Christie should not read this commentary as an attack on him. He should read it as the truth those close to him may not be willing to present to him.

In the twilight of his career, Christie will be 68 in August, the PLP leader has to address this confidence issue surrounding his leadership.

Through action, and not just talk, he must demonstrate to his party and country that he can be a strong leader. He can do so by presenting a firm bold vision via his party's manifesto as to where he will lead the country if re-elected; he can do so by expelling the next PLP who embarrasses the party through gross misconduct; he can do so by not running candidates who travel around the country talking about him in private, and in semi-public venues, in derogatory terms.

In the 2007 general election, Ingraham said he was a grandfather and that he had changed from his overly aggressive, confrontational and sometimes hostile ways. He knew then, as he knows now, that Bahamians for the most part do not like those parts of his personality. Christie has his weaknesses too. For him it is critical to reform.

Being satisfied with your legacy

After being fired from Sir Lynden Pindling’s Cabinet in 1984 along with Ingraham, Christie was reappointed a minister in Sir Lynden's last government in 1990. At a rally in April that year, Christie said, “…when you support the person who will be elected, you will also be supporting his judgement.”

He was right. And the issues of leadership and judgement will be the things Bahamians evaluate when they examine Christie and Ingraham one last time (it is unlikely that Branville McCartney will make much of an impact his first time out as a leader). The PLP would like to run away from these issues, but it cannot.

For Christie the stakes are high. Going into the general election at 68, he will likely never have another chance to be PM again if he loses this race. He would then be confronted with never being able to change a legacy he thinks is incomplete.

Christie can win. He is liked by many people. But he must take on what is likely issue number one for the PLP: his leadership style.

The issue cannot be ignored or shuffled around. Bahamians want to know if the Valley Boy can be a different man.

Jun 20, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

Perry Christie's response to a US Embassy cable obtained by whistleblower Wikileaks: ...he (Christie) never considered resigning as PLP chief over Kenyatta Gibson's departure from the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP)

Christie: I never considered quitting over Gibson departure


By TANEKA THOMPSON
Deputy Chief Reporter
tribune242
tthompson@tribunemedia.net


KENYATTA Gibson's departure from the Progressive Liberal Party "meant nothing" to Opposition leader Perry Christie who told The Tribune he never considered resigning as PLP chief over the ordeal.

In fact, Mr Christie said he was relieved to turn over a "problem" Member of Parliament - whose notorious Cabinet "fight" hurt Mr Christie's image - to the Free National Movement.

The Farm Road MP's comments came after a newspaper claimed the veteran politician considered stepping down in the wake of Mr Gibson's exit - and an earlier election court case defeat - based on a US Embassy cable obtained by whistleblower Wikileaks.

Mr Christie dismissed the cable as mere speculation crafted around political fodder of 2008.

"This is absolutely a figment of someone's imagination. I never told that to my wife, my children, never told it to my best friend, never told it to the people in the political organisation that I lead," Mr Christie told The Tribune yesterday.

"No one who is close to me could say that," Mr Christie said. He added that he did not forge close relationships with American diplomats in 2008, the year Mr Gibson left the PLP, and did not discuss his political future with them.

Although he conceded Mr Gibson's exodus was a blow to the PLP and to his image, Mr Christie said he redeemed himself after he won 84 per cent of his party's vote in his re-election bid at the party's 2009 convention. He added that the PLP's victory in the 2010 Elizabeth by-election was another redeeming factor which strengthened the party.

"The whole Kenyatta Gibson thing meant nothing to me. In fact I thought I had transferred a problem I had to the FNM and I thought 'God bless them'. I went on to the (PLP's) national convention and scored a very successful victory and went into the by-election and won."

The PLP leader conceded he paid a "political price" for not demanding that Mr Gibson and former Mount Moriah MP Keod Smith leave the party after having a scuffle in the Cabinet room in 2006. Despite opposition in some quarters, both men were nominated to represent the party in the 2007 general election. Mr Gibson won over FNM newcomer Michael Turnquest while Mr Smith was defeated by National Security Minister Tommy Turnquest.

"At the end of the day there is no doubt that I suffered as a result of what people perceived to be my response to the fight in Cabinet. Clearly after the fight there was a body of opinion that felt Kenyatta nor Keod Smith ought to be nominated to contest the seats (in 2007).

"I paid a price on Kenyatta so when he left I would have been disappointed that someone I made that commitment for (resigned) but that happens in politics and we moved on to demonstrate that the party has grown stronger as a result of it."

The men were not booted from the party because Mr Christie believed in second chances. He claimed that the altercation was just a heated moment that was exaggerated by political opponents.

"The fight I think was intensely blown out of proportion. I had always had a commitment to the redemptive power of a second chance. (From all accounts) it was one of those sparks that took place and everyone moved on.

"Politics being what it is, it was near election time and the FNM blew it up. When we reviewed the matter our opinion was they should not be disqualified," Mr Christie said.

June 18, 2011

tribune242

Caribbean Blog International

WikiLeaks cables: Perry Christie, the opposition leader planned to resign from the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) if it was unsuccessful in its Election Court challenges that followed the 2007 general election - according to a U.S. Embassy diplomatic cable written in 2008

Cable: Christie considered resigning

BY CANDIA DAMES
NG News Editor
thenassauguardian
candia@nasguard.com


U.S. Embassy official says 'backstabbing' plagued PLP govt



Opposition Leader Perry Christie told a U.S. Embassy official that he planned to resign from the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) if the party was unsuccessful in its Election Court challenges that followed the 2007 poll, according to a diplomatic cable written in 2008.

The official wrote that Christie indicated that “he would stay on only as long as the PLP had a realistic chance of being named the victor in the contested seats.”

It is unclear which embassy official wrote the cable, but then Ambassador Ned Siegel’s name is at the end of the document.

Following the 2007 general election, the PLP through its defeated candidates challenged three seats: Pinewood, Marco City and Blue Hills.

It lost both the Pinewood and Marco City challenges. The Blue Hills challenge was dropped.
Leslie Miller, who ran for the PLP in Blue Hills, said he considered the challenge a waste of time, as elections are not won in court.

After the Pinewood loss, and Kenyatta Gibson’s resignation from the PLP, the American diplomat speculated in the 2008 cable that Christie was about to step down.

“For the foreseeable future, the PLP will be distracted and consumed with its ongoing internal disarray and lack of direction,” the official wrote.

“The party convention, if and when it is held, may not resolve even the leadership crisis....With this defection (Gibson) and the FNM victory in the first court challenge, it is likely that Christie will now step aside unless the factionalism is so strong that no consensus can be reached on a successor.”

In the 2008 cable, the embassy official wrote, “Gibson’s resignation is a big nail in Perry Christie’s political coffin.

“It will intensify pressure for Christie to step aside for new leadership. It also eases political pressure on the FNM, which is expecting to win ongoing court challenges to three seats by the PLP.”

The embassy official expressed the view that Gibson’s “attack” on Christie after his resignation from the party was ironic given that he was one of the MPs involved in a high-profile fight in the Cabinet Office while the PLP was in office.

“Christie’s unwillingness to replace Gibson fed the image of his indecisiveness as a leader, and of the PLP as a party without internal discipline,” the cable said.

“Christie no doubt feels personally betrayed for having stood by Gibson only to have Gibson bite his hand.”

The cable added: “The resignation has laid bare the fractional lines in the party, with the party’s official website now being used to criticize other members, and those members in turn publicly criticizing the party’s own website.”

The embassy official wrote that Gibson’s resignation undermined the PLP leadership’s post-election strategy of contesting the three seats.

“The resignation, which was accompanied by a blistering exchange with the PLP leadership, is a blow to the embattled PLP leader, former Prime Minister Perry Christie.”

The official opined at the time that Gibson’s resignation was certain to reopen debate about Christie’s record and the need for strategic changes following the PLP’s “shock election defeat” in May 2007.

“The unexpected resignation has bared to the public the infighting and backstabbing that had plagued the PLP during its time in office and has only intensified following the PLP’s loss,” the cable said.

“The turnabout in parliamentary fortunes eases pressure on the FNM government as it struggles to deal with daunting challenges of crime and stagnating tourism numbers.”

The U.S. Embassy official also wrote that Gibson’s surprise resignation not only upset the PLP’s post-election strategy, but further undermined the already “weak position of PLP leader Perry Christie who, like the rest of the party, was reportedly blindsided by the news.”

The official noted in that 2008 cable that Gibson’s resignation came only days after the PLP’s spokesman on foreign affairs, Fred Mitchell, sought to downplay in a media statement the liklihood of any leadership challenges at the next PLP convention.

“On the contrary, Gibson’s strategically timed announcement on the eve of the anniversary of the PLP’s achievement of Majority Rule in 1967 added insult to injury by upstaging the party’s commemoration,” the official said.

“It has also intensified questions about Christie’s viability as opposition leader.”

But at the party’s convention in 2009, Christie crushed his opponents, winning more than 80 percent of the votes cast for party leader.

RELIEF FOR EMBATTLED FNM

The 2008 cable characterized Kenyatta Gibson’s resignation as a relief for the “embattled Free National Movement”.

“Striking like a thunderbolt out of a clear blue sky, news of Gibson’s resignation came just in time to become the top story on evening news broadcasts and morning newspaper headlines, pushing all other current affairs aside,” the official wrote.

The cable added that the media splash handed the FNM a bit of unexpected relief after months of pressure from negative crime stories and unfavorable tourism numbers, coupled with stinging opposition attacks over both.

“The FNM’s presumed courtship of another MP whose allegiance to the PLP may be shaky, Malcom Adderley, may also return to center stage,” the official wrote.

“Speculation about Adderley’s loyalties returned to the forefront recently after Prime Minister Ingraham reappointed him to a two-year position as chairman of the Gaming Board, the sole PLP member to hold on to such a position after the May 2007 elections.

“While the urgency of such an effort might wane, the prospects for another defection cannot be ruled out.”

Adderley resigned from the PLP and Parliament in early 2010, triggering the Elizabeth by-election, which was won by the PLP’s Ryan Pinder.

In a recent interview with The Nassau Guardian, Christie said some of what the American diplomats attributed to him was inaccurate, and their characterization of him as weak and indecisive was also wrong.

Christie said the leak of the cables is a lesson to public officials that they need to be more disciplined in how they deal with foreign diplomats.

Christie added that he had no concerns that the cables would negatively affect him politically.

Jun 17, 2011

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International