Many younger voters are hungry for change and may take a chance on Branville McCartney and his Democratic National Alliance (DNA).... ...Many older voters don’t have the confidence in the party

A vision for The Bahamas

By Erica Wells
Guardian Managing Editor
erica@nasguard.com

In the opening pages of the Democratic National Alliance’s (DNA) document outlining its plans for The Bahamas, the party’s leader, Branville McCartney, promises that his DNA will recast the “national vision” for the country.

This vision, he said, is the vision that was first cast in 1967 and 1973.  It was a vision that “included all Bahamians”.

According to McCartney, “44 years after majority rule and 38 years after independence, our nation has lost sight of this vision to create a Bahamian society based on equality of opportunity and a collective effort to ensure that our people get the best that the country and the world has to offer.  The vision has been derailed and we have been led off course.”

The DNA, said McCartney, is able to recast that vision because it is steeped in an understanding of the past and is focused on the opportunities of the future.  The document meant to convince voters of this – Vision 2012 and Beyond – was the result of collaboration between the DNA and the Bahamian public “at large”, said McCartney.

“It reflects what you care about deeply: the economy and diversification of the economy, crime, education, youth development and other issues which are plaguing the country,” he said.  “It also reflects the notion that these issues, when addressed with thoughtful ingenuity and skill, have the potential to revolutionize the country.”

Like all written plans, the proof is in the execution of what is outlined.  And whether the DNA will get the chance to execute those plans after the May 7 general election remains to be seen.

While the DNA was the first to release its plan for the country and promise to voters, (the Free National Movement released its plan shortly after and the Progressive Liberal Party is expected to release its document this week) voters have little time to digest the DNA’s or the other parties’ agendas before the election.

The vision

The DNA’s vision touches on key areas of national importance: crime, healthcare, jobs and the economy, education, immigration, youth, sports and culture, Grand Bahama, Family Island development, good governance, tourism, labor and industrial relations, and energy and the environment.

The promises are not expanded upon and there is no detail provided on how the plan will meet its objectives, which has been typical of these types of political publications.

Some political observers give McCartney’s DNA credit for having some of the best ideas for national development of the three major parties.  Others dismiss some of the ideas as unrealistic and in some cases unmanageable.

For example, under the heading of crime, the DNA’s idea to develop a comprehensive and research proven system to rehabilitate offenders, inclusive of academic programs and work readiness and skills building programs, is a commendable one.

But the DNA also promises to enforce capital punishment and ensure that bail is not granted for accused murderers.  Given the Privy Council’s rulings that directly impact the capacity for any government to carry out capital punishment, and the right to a fair and speedy trial afforded to all Bahamians under the constitution, it will be extremely difficult for a DNA or any other government to enforce and ensure such actions.

Other promises hinge greatly on available finances, at a time when it’s difficult for many to see where the money will come from.  The deficit is at $4.2 billion and the economy is still struggling to regain ground from a worldwide recession.

Take for example, the promise to reduce class sizes by “building modern school facilities and enhancing existing school facilities”; and to increase infrastructure funding for the redevelopment and expansion of road networks, healthcare facilities and airports in the Family Islands.

The party also promises to balance the budget within five years.

While the DNA is ambitious in its plans for the country and it should be commended for its aspirations, it must be careful not to play to the gallery and risk losing the trust of more sober minds and eventually the public at large.

Perhaps the most progressive portion of the DNA’s Vision is under the heading of Good Governance, where the party promises to:

• Amend the constitution to limit the powers of the prime minister.

• Enact legislation to limit the length of service of the prime minister to two terms.

• Enact legislation to cause the recall of members of Parliament if a majority of their constituents are dissatisfied with their performance.

• Establish fixed constituencies, which can only be changed according to international criteria.

• Establish the Office of the Ombudsman to serve as the watchdog of the government for the people.

The DNA has also promised to create a much needed code of conduct for public officials.

Among its other major promises are a focus on economic diversification, to establish a basic healthcare plan, to hold a referendum on whether children born in The Bahamas to illegal immigrants should have the right to apply for citizenship, and to regularize generation property.

A young party

The DNA is a young party.  On Election Day, it will be five days short of its one-year anniversary.  It has attempted to brand itself as a party that is making a bold statement.  A party made up of a new breed of young Bahamian politicians, entrepreneurs, professionals and blue-collar workers.

Its leader has relatively little experience in frontline politics.  Most Bahamians first heard of him in 2007 when he ran under the Free National Movement’s banner for Bamboo Town.  Less than three years later he would resign from Hubert Ingraham’s Cabinet, where he sat as a junior minister.

His decision to leave the party left many baffled; however, others gave him credit for “standing up” to Ingraham.

McCartney has been heavily criticized on some of his positions taken on immigration, and more recently the marital rape law.  His statement that a Marital Rape Bill would not be passed under his administration was seen as a major misstep in his campaign, and it could have put off potential female voters.  The party was forced into damage control mode at a time when its efforts should have been focused on the election campaign.

The party will field a candidate in every one of the 38 constituencies, and while many political observers seriously doubt the party leader’s prediction that the DNA will win the May 7 general election, the party does have some support.

A Public Domain/Nassau Guardian poll conducted in March indicated that the DNA had a total support base of 21.7 percent.  According to the poll, the FNM and PLP were in a virtual dead heat.  The FNM with 34.2 percent and the PLP with 30.3 percent.

The 2007 general election results show just how close the race this time around could be.  Although the FNM captured 23 of the 41 seats, with 49.86 percent it did not capture the popular vote.  The PLP captured 18 seats and 47.02 percent of the vote.  The number of votes between the PLP and FNM was just 3,905.

This sets up a potentially interesting scenario if the DNA manages to win a few seats in the general election, and manages to upset the balance of power on Election Day.

What is attractive about the DNA is the simple fact that it is an alternative to what have been mainstays in Bahamian politics for so long — Hubert Ingraham and PLP Leader Perry Christie.  Its weakness mainly centers on the lack of experience of its leader and the party’s candidates.

Many younger voters are hungry for change and may take a chance on McCartney and his DNA.  Many older voters don’t have the confidence in the party.

But whatever the result on May 7, McCartney and his DNA have shown that a third party can get support.  The question is, can it get enough support?

Apr 23, 2012

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

Bahamian voters expect more from the mainline press in terms of the key issues in this election... ...Will the national press rise to the occasion in terms of better political journalism and creative reporting of the 2012 general election?

Press coverage of election 2012

Front Porch

By Simon

So far, much of the coverage of the lead-up to the 2012 general election has been formulaic and insipid.  Most of the coverage has focused on the speeches at the opening of various constituency headquarters.

The speeches contain the typical red meat and thrust and parry one expects to hear at political rallies.  The press dutifully report the back and forth inclusive of the main points of the speeches particularly those of the prime minister and the leader of the opposition.  Yet, there is something missing.

Both of the major parties have spoken of the critical issues of the economy and crime.  While voters often enjoy the polemics and pageantry of election time, most can distinguish between electioneering and what the outcome of the election will mean in terms of policy and governance.

There is a famous quote that notes that while politicians campaign in poetry, they must govern in prose.  Poetry involves the rhetorical flourish of a campaign.  Prose is concerned with the hard work of governance and getting things done.

While Perry Christie’s strong suit may be the art of rhetoric, it is Hubert Ingraham who has excelled at the art of governance.  Hence, the overriding theme of the election is leadership.  The question in the end for voters is, after comparing the leadership of Perry Christie and Hubert Ingraham, who they believe can best lead in terms of the economy, crime and a complex of policy issues.

Useful

On the issue of crime, the Ingraham administration introduced a comprehensive crime agenda over the past five years including an omnibus package of crime legislation.  It would be a useful public service for the print and broadcast media to assess the details of the current government’s anti-crime measures.

The PLP has produced a booklet of its anti-crime measures and is running ads on the same.  The press should assess the details of the opposition’s approach to crime.  The press should also assess the anti-crime measures the PLP promised in its 2002 manifesto as well as the measures put in place by the Christie administration from 2002 to 2007.

As elections are about comparisons and choices, the press can assist voters by reporting how the anti-crime measures of the FNM and the PLP compare and contrast.  And, what of the record of both parties in terms of legislation enacted and policies introduced.

The press can do the same kind of comparisons and contrasts on the economy and a host of issues from land policy and immigration to healthcare and education.  This journal has editorialized that the opposition’s promise to double the national education budget is far-fetched and near-impossible.

The Nassau Guardian has also shown that the PLP’s claim to have produced 22,000 jobs from 2002 to 2007 is insupportable in terms of employment numbers produced by the Department of Statistics.

This journal also opined in the context of various programs proposed by the PLP:  “Coherent and plausible plans on crime and the economy actually do not need quirky names.  They simply need to work and have the will of a competent government behind them.”

This paper further noted: “When a party announces multiple named programs at every speaking engagement, and it does not explain how they would be paid for, who would lead them and if they have been fully planned out, that party could come across as less than serious.”

Proposals

The prime minister has also announced a number of new proposals that the FNM will introduce if it wins re-election.  These include a Sports Tourism Encouragement Act and a Summer Institute for boys leaving primary school for junior high.  Some enterprising reporter might be dispatched to find out more details about these proposals.

There has been some clamor for debates during the course of the upcoming electoral contest.  Why can’t such debates take place between representatives of the major parties sponsored by a media house such as The Nassau Guardian in collaboration with Cable 12?

One debate topic may be the economy and compare the approach of the PLP and the FNM on the global economic downturn as well as the future of the Bahamian economy.  Perhaps the Minister of State for Finance Zhivargo Laing can present for the FNM with Elizabeth MP Ryan Pinder, who has spoken repeatedly on economic issues, appearing for the PLP.

Independents and young voters tend to identify less with party labels and are not as interested in what might excite base voters.  The former voters are more influenced by the quality of leadership, a party’s record and realistic and creative proposals for the future.

Most voters have come to expect little from most talk radio shows and television chat shows in terms of in-depth and informed discussions of the issues.  Those programs are designed more to inflate and showcase the egos of their hosts.

Voters expect more from the mainline press in terms of the key issues in this election.  Will the national press rise to the occasion in terms of better political journalism and creative reporting of the 2012 general election?  Some attempts are being made in this direction.  Still, there is much work to be done.

 

• frontporchguardian@gmail.com

www.bahamapundit.com

Mar 06, 2012

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

Most Bahamian voters do not view Branville McCartney as a credible prime minister... not to mention his announced Democratic National Alliance (DNA) party candidates... Voters know too that the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) and Free National Movement (FNM) are bigger than Perry Christie and Hubert Ingraham

McCartney’s Vanity Fair

Front Porch

By Simon

Halloween arrived early at the House of Assembly last week.  It made a sneak preview during the debate on establishing a Straw Market Authority.  In his debate wrap-up, Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham spooked Branville McCartney by lobbing a few political ‘trick-or-treats’ at the DNA leader.

They were offered in a trademark Ingraham jest, often crafted to rattle opponents by delivering a serious message guised as humor.  So effective were the barbs that McCartney’s tough-guy mask slipped, sending him into a dizzying array of costume changes.

The MP for Bamboo Town reacted as a cry-baby and as a victim and martyr before trying to steady himself and regain his tough-guy persona.  He even donned his maximum leader costume by imperially declaring: “The good thing about being leader of this party is that I can determine where I can run.”

For his reference, Sir Lynden Pindling, who enjoyed a safe seat in New Providence prior to the 1967 general election, was persuaded by some of his colleagues to run in South Andros.  It proved pivotal in ushering in majority rule.

McCartney made no mention of a selection process for candidates at the branch or national level of the DNA. Instead he flatly stated that he will run wherever he pleases, possibly leaving Bamboo Town for North Abaco to teach Hubert Ingraham a lesson.

 

Singular

He floated the possibility with little respect for the people of either constituency. He also did not seem to consult with his party. Not even Sir Lynden, much less Hubert Ingraham, would claim such a singular privilege.

One must presume that McCartney is also prepared to remove an already nominated candidate from a constituency and run there if it suits his fancy.  If this is how McCartney thinks based on the power he has in the DNA, one can imagine how he might behave given real power.

Both Sir Lynden and Ingraham understood that ours is a parliamentary democracy where the party and cabinet take precedence.  We do not have a presidential system, which McCartney still seems not to understand despite his pretensions of collegiality.

When the current heads of the PLP and FNM are no longer the leaders of their parties, there will be others waiting to succeed them, who their respective party colleagues view as possible prime ministers.  McCartney confirmed this by noting that he sees potential successors to the major party leaders within their respective parties.

The same cannot be said of the DNA.  Most voters do not view McCartney as a credible prime minister, not to mention his announced candidates.  Voters know too that the PLP and FNM are bigger than Christie and Ingraham.

Smarting from a bruised ego and piqued at Ingraham’s playful ribbing, McCartney, in his martyr costume, issued a highly unlikely and amateurish bluff.  All laughing aside, he suggested he might risk his political career by switching to North Abaco to teach Hubert Ingraham a lesson.

In saying that he is prepared to lose there to deny Ingraham a victory and tilt it to the PLP, McCartney confirmed the gist of what the prime minister stated in the House, riling the DNA in the first place.

 

Judgement

It is that in Bamboo Town, as across the country, the DNA is unlikely to win against the major parties.  Whatever his capacity for irony, the paucity of the DNA leader’s judgement is remarkable.  Leadership is not mostly about skill-sets.  It is about good judgement.

In even floating the idea that he might out of animus run against the Member for North Abaco is not the type of poor judgement a more seasoned leader would make.   Essentially it is vanity, not good judgement, that led the DNA leader to brag that “as leader of this party” he can run wherever he wants.

It is this unquenchable vanity that provoked the Member for Bamboo Town to overreact to the prime minister’s jocularity in the House, which drew thunderous laughter.

The over-the-top response to Ingraham’s mild tap-up speaks volumes about how the DNA and its leader must see themselves: They are special and precious and should be treated with kid gloves.  How dare anyone criticize them seeing how special they are?

Never mind that month after month, McCartney and his party have relentlessly attacked Hubert Ingraham in even more pointed and barbed language, eliciting no response from Ingraham despite the constant attacks.

McCartney suggested that Ingraham is uncaring and lacks compassion.  He accused a man who dedicated his life to improving the quality of life for Bahamians as basically being unpatriotic, unconcerned about protecting Bahamian interests.  McCartney continues to question the prime minister’s integrity and the DNA has called him all manner of things – child of God is not one of them.

Apparently it is perfectly okay for Ingraham to be the DNA’s punching bag.  Yet when he ever so slightly slapped back, which was much milder than a punch, the DNA and its leader doubled-over playing the wounded victims.  Rather than the rough and tumble nature of politics, they may consider competing in ballroom dancing.

Politics is not a Vanity Fair for those who believe that the world should recognize and reward the supposed brilliance they see when they look in the mirror every morning and tell themselves how wonderful they are among other mortals.

 

Privilege

Politics is a noble art and vocation.  It is an arena where those who dare to compete for the privilege of office, do so through the ideas, character and skills they may bring to the tough task of governance, as individuals and as a party.

Among the tests for being afforded such a privilege are those of resilience, imagination, and organizational prowess.  Luck and timing are often pivotal for political success.  But, as the saying reminds, “Chance favors the prepared mind”.

Patronage too plays a role.  Ingraham convinced the FNM constituency association of Bamboo Town to accept McCartney as the candidate for the traditionally safe seat for that party.  He also appointed the freshman MP a junior minister in the two high-profile areas of tourism and immigration.

Clearly, this was not enough for the preternaturally ambitious politician who seemed miffed that other junior ministers were given substantive posts ahead of him.  In exiting the Ingraham administration he bemoaned that he felt stifled, that his gifts were not fully utilized.  This, after only approximately three years in cabinet.

Suppose Ingraham had appointed McCartney to a substantive ministerial post?  Suppose that Ingraham indicated to the junior minister that he saw him as a potential successor?  What is the likelihood that he would have left so abruptly?

Others in leadership in the DNA might ponder those questions.  And, this:  Did Branville McCartney launch the DNA to bring about change in the political process or primarily as a vehicle to accommodate his overweening ambition?

Moreover, if the FNM is re-elected and Ingraham invites McCartney back to a substantive cabinet post and indicates that he may be a possible successor, what is the likelihood that he would remain in a defeated DNA?

 

Obsession

Vanity is a blinding obsession.  The real test of one’s genetic make-up as a politician is how one reacts in the face of real power.  How McCartney might react if he eyed a rapid path to the top of the FNM in its last term or possible next term is where his artifice and profiling would likely give way to realpolitik.

Since the launch of his DNA, McCartney has tried his hand at the classic strategy of triangulation.  It was clever to do so given voter frustration over various issues, including the persistent global economic crisis and the resulting desire to blame and punish someone or some group for their woes.

The DNA also tapped into the ever-present hunger of voters as consumers for the next new thing or personality.  Bahamians also like a good show.  But, most independent voters, critical in the next election, require more substance than the DNA has provided in terms of leadership and policy.

The DNA leader’s meager contribution to the Straw Market Authority debate was the latest example of his preference for profiling given his seeming discomfort with substantive policy discussions.

With his trademark studied gestures and little room for triangulation, McCartney spoke during the debate as if he were a reporter and not a parliamentarian.  He commented on what the FNM and PLP said about the bill in question but, as usual, added little by way of insight or substance to the debate.

Sensing an opportunity for scoring a cheap political point, McCartney regurgitated the manufactured news item about a regulation concerning hygiene in the straw market.  The underlying premise of the story was subsequently shot down by the prime minister.

The halls of Parliament are where political careers advance, stagnate or flounder.  Given a prepared text or a staged-event, McCartney performs adequately.  Yet given the opportunity to think on his feet and demonstrate his political mettle on the floor of the House, he failed to rise to the occasion.  Worse, he proved unready, not prepared for the big leagues.

It proved Ingraham’s point about McCartney still being in the junior leagues.  The contest in Bamboo Town thrusts three young men who led their own parties into a contest to see who may someday have the opportunity to contest for the chairs in which both Hubert Ingraham and Perry Christie have sat.  But first, they have to win in Bamboo Town.

frontporchguardian@gmail.com

www.bahamapundit.com

Oct 18, 2011

thenassauguardian

As bad as things are for the FNM, voters will not automatically flock to the PLP just for the hell of it... For the PLP to win, someone must find Perry Gladstone Christie and tell him, “Wake up.”

Where is Perry Gladstone Christie?

thenassauguardian editorial



Oppositions are supposed to oppose. The opposition leader is supposed to lead this charge. He is the prime minister’s constitutional rival. He is supposed to want that job so badly that he challenges the PM and his government on points of policy and achievement frequently in the public sphere. The public should see the fire in the eyes of the opposition leader.

Perry Gladstone Christie is not this type of opposition leader. He is rarely seen or heard when it comes to issues of national importance. Even in the Parliament, Christie has little presence. He often speaks outside of the prime time period and does not add anything new or challenging to the debate.

Without Bradley Roberts, who has a compulsion for sending press releases, the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) would have almost no public voice. Statements from Christie on matters of national importance come as frequently as Chickcharney sightings in the forests of Andros.

We all know that Christie has no interest in being opposition leader. He was stunned at being unseated as PM in 2007. Nonetheless, he has the role and should do more on the national stage to look like someone who should be PM again.

The Free National Movement (FNM) is in freefall. The roadwork in New Providence, crime, the Mackey Yard Haitian issue and the frequent power outages have made this a summer of discontent for much of the population.

With all this ammunition, Christie says little to nothing. Absence from commentary on national issues conveys apathy. And who wants to elect a leader who appears so disinterested that he says almost nothing.

Christie must remember that he and Hubert Ingraham no longer have a duopoly on power with the premiership going from one friend to the other. Others have entered the political arena and people are at least listening to them.

The default position previously was to vote for the ‘other’ party when the governing side ran out of gas. But with the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) menacing, Christie should realize that some anti-government votes will go that way if he keeps on looking like the missing leader.

A general election will be called in less than a year – in fact, sooner than that. A vibrant opposition leader would be doing interviews, on talk radio, hosting televised town meetings and much more to demonstrate his interest in the issues and to bring forward the solutions his government would implement.

Sadly, the few times when Christie makes an utterance he only talks about the past. If he is talking about crime he mentions his government’s old urban renewal program; if he talks about the economy he mentions the anchor project deals his government signed; if he talks about housing he mentions the homes built under his administration’s watch.

As bad as things are for the FNM, voters will not automatically flock to the PLP just for the hell of it. For the PLP to win, someone must find Perry Gladstone Christie and tell him, “Wake up.”

Jul 22, 2011

thenassauguardian editorial

Caribbean Blog International

Branville McCartney support in the Free National Movement (FNM) has collapsed

What was Branville McCartney thinking?
thenassauguardian national review



The headline for this piece is the question that just about everyone has been asking since McCartney made the now famous statement — that Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham has no compassion.

McCartney, a sitting FNM MP who has made no secret of his leadership aspirations, made the startling statement last week Tuesday during an appearance on Star 106.5 FM’s talk show, “Jeffrey”, hosted by Jeff Lloyd.

This is exactly what McCartney told Lloyd: “At this stage, I’d certainly want [the FNM] to succeed, but we have our challenges. We seem to not be connected to the people, from the leader straight down. [We’re] showing a lack of compassion and not listening to the people.

“Although, yes we’re the ones who were put here to make decisions, the people are the ones who put us here. We need to listen. We don’t have all of the answers but the way we go about things, it’s not good. We have a number of new voters and even old supporters are concerned. I hope we get our act together.”

When asked if he was referring to a particular personality within the party, McCartney said Ingraham has to take responsibility for the challenges the party faces going into the next election.

“The prime minister is the leader of the FNM. The buck stops with the prime minister. Yes, there’s a lack of compassion — probably not intentionally. Perhaps that’s just the way he is. That type of governance was necessary in 1992. In 2011 and 2012, I don’t think it is.”

For anyone who doubted the statement or its context reported exclusively by The Nassau Guardian on Wednesday, McCartney repeated his feelings about the Prime Minister and the state of the Free National Movement during an interview with NB12 TV news later that night.

The statement drew a strong response from the public, much like his decision to resign from Ingraham’s Cabinet after serving just under two years as a junior minister in the ministries of tourism and immigration. McCartney thought he was being “underutilized”.

Now a new round of questions surrounding McCartney’s political strategy and his political future hang heavily over the relative newcomer to politics.

Is this the final chapter in McCartney’s political career? Maybe not, but the young politician does not appear to be making any friends in the FNM.

“His (McCartney’s) support in the party has collapsed,” said a well-placed source within the FNM who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak on behalf of the party. “Any residual support he had has collapsed.

“You can’t keep going around lacerating the Prime Minister and the FNM for all the wrong things they are doing, but then say, ‘I support the party’. “It doesn’t make sense.”

PARTY VS. PUBLIC SUPPORT

Those outside the FNM seem similarly confused.

“If Branville is listening to people out there who may be clamoring for him to be the leader of the FNM, the question is are they people who can vote for him at convention. If not, he ought to recognize that it’s not meaningful support,” said Raynard Rigby, a former chairman of the Progressive Liberal Party.

“If he has support within the FNM he ought to figure out and think through how his open criticism of the leader will factor into the minds of his supporters. You can be popular in the eyes of the public, but party support is what matters if you are interested in a leadership position, and you saw that in the deputy leadership race in the PLP. Obie Wilchcombe was seen as more popular but Brave (Davis) beat him convincingly because he had the support of the party.”

George Smith, a veteran politician who served in the Sir Lynden Pindling administration, suggests that McCartney has failed to do just that — think things through, at least when it came to last week’s statement.

“The statement probably reflects what he is thinking, but he obviously did not weigh it carefully. In politics when you say something that makes you appear bold and courageous you may have to pay a price,” said Smith.

Only time will tell what that price will be, but there are already the obvious suggestions that McCartney may not receive the FNM nomination to run in Bamboo Town as a result of the “no compassion” remark.

“Make no mistake, FNMs have their own problems with Hubert Ingraham, but the party does not like these attacks which are seen as extremely disloyal to the party,” said the FNM source. “He is providing attack lines to the opposition. That’s a serious thing.”

McCartney has said that if he does not get the nomination he would run as an independent or “otherwise”. That “otherwise” is unlikely to be the PLP, given the boost an independent McCartney in Bamboo Town would give to the chances of the opposition winning that seat.

POLITICAL EXPERIENCE

Independents, generally, fare very poorly in general elections in The Bahamas, unless they receive the support of a political party that may decide not to run anyone in that seat.

While there have been success stories, such as Perry Christie and Hubert Ingraham (Tennyson Wells and Pierre Dupuch to a lesser extent), those men had years and years of experience in office and serving in Cabinet before turning independent, and had been battle-tested.

McCartney has neither the wealth of experience nor the political battle wounds to carry him through the trials of the “political wilderness”, and cast him as a maverick independent.

But what McCartney does appear to have is a certain appeal to a segment of the public that is hungry for a new face to lead the country. “Sick of Ingraham and Scared of Christie” is becoming a mantra among many young professional Bahamians who are openly declaring their intentions of sitting out the next general election.

McCartney is a successful lawyer and a seemingly dedicated and conscientious MP. He has a certain talent for public relations and is good at using technology and social media to connect with young voters. And whatever his critics may say, he is not afraid to publically criticize the government or his party, which in some quarters has been interpreted as ambitious and courageous.

McCartney has also taken a tough stance on two hot button issues in the country — illegal immigration and crime — and while everyone has not always agreed with his approach, his decision to publically state his positions has been generally well-received by the public.

Whether McCartney decides to bide his time in the FNM — although that seems unlikely in light of his recent statements — or become an independent, the road ahead will not be easy.

“When you are in Cabinet you have a level of public persona associated with the position. In the back bench you have to continually redefine who you are politically to maintain a public presence,” said Rigby.

This is a point obviously not lost on McCartney, who since resigning from Cabinet has made a number of headlines, more recently for showing up at a BTC unions anti-privatization rally, and telling reporters that he was undecided on an issue that his party obviously supports.

But if McCartney is to succeed in one of the mainstream political parties, he will have to work on how his actions and statements are being interpreted by those who make the decisions in those parties — the more experienced politicians who in this political climate call the shots.

AMBITION OR ARROGANCE

What some have interpreted as ambition and courage, others have interpreted as arrogance and inexperience.

“If he had said what he said in a way that people could better interpret he would have shown good political acumen, but by being so (publicly) honest he clearly has positioned himself in a way that the party has to deal with him,” said Smith, who emphasized that personally he is very fond of McCartney.

“Longevity is not on his side. He has not been around long enough. He’s a newcomer.

“He must have tremendous talent and personality which permits him to be effective, courteous, respectful and show that he has learned the game well enough and get people to say of him the many things he says of himself.”

A former politician who spent decades in frontline politics said of McCartney:

“He was in Cabinet for less than two years and then said he wanted to be leader or a substantive minister. It’s admirable to have ambition to go to the top but there’s a road, a protocol. Dion (Foulkes) and Tommy (Turnquest) came up through the party.

“I thought he was trying to do a good job in immigration, he made some errors but at least he was doing something. If he is able to control this particular situation he may survive but he has to get a handle on his public posturing.”

Among his colleagues, McCartney reportedly has little support.

“None of his Cabinet colleagues take him seriously. I don’t think he is seen as a contender. By resigning from Cabinet he removed himself as a contender for leadership,” said the FNM source.

McCartney was appointed to the Cabinet in his first term in office, took many by surprise when he decided to resign last year February.

According to his resignation letter: “The factors that motivated this run the full gamut of issues and emotions, some more compelling than others. In the forefront are my feelings of stagnation and the inability to fully utilize my political potential at this time.”

He went on to say: “It is also my belief that our current political system is headed in the wrong direction…I have already proven myself on many levels and have much to be proud of, but it would be wrong of me to assume that I have proven myself to you without demonstrating the strength and diversity of knowledge you deserve.”

An interview following that resignation only added to the confusion.

McCartney said that as a member of the Cabinet he was required to tow the party line, and thought he could do more outside of the Ingraham Cabinet, “speak out on what is right and not based on party lines”.

He said at the time: “There is no doubt that the prime minister, Hubert Alexander Ingraham, is the best man for the job at this time. He is no doubt the best leader that we have had in our party and he remains that way today… I respect him, I support him. He has my full, full support.”

McCartney said at the time that he had no intention of challenging Ingraham for the leadership of the party. But that line changed later that year when McCartney made it known that if the FNM held its convention that year he would offer himself for leader. The FNM decided not to hold the convention, citing financial and other reasons.

WASTED OPPORTUNITY

Some thought that the opportunity to serve in the Cabinet was a great training ground for anyone with leadership aspirations, even if you disliked the style or some of the decisions of the prime minister.

“He had a chance to make his mark but he left. It takes years to make change but he didn’t give himself a chance,” said the FNM source, who pointed out that Ingraham obviously saw potential in McCartney or else he would not have been appointed to the Cabinet in his first term in office.

Another criticism that has been leveled against McCartney is that he is not a team player, and had to be reminded that “Branville does not have a policy, the government has a policy”.

Some of his actions as junior minister in immigration were controversial and interpreted as grandstanding. Not only did it raise eyebrows in the country but warranted review by the prime minister.

“If he had remained in the cabinet, continued to perform and perform well, show that he was more politically savvy he would have had a good shot in serving in the leadership of the FNM,” said Rigby.

“His future may look dim today but that could change down the road. He must demonstrate that he is a man of conviction, at times it may be necessary to publicly criticize the party and leader but you have to be prepared to be an agent of change.”

2/7/2011

thenassauguardian national review

Bahamas Blog International

Where to Vote: The official polling divisions and locations for the 2007 General Election...

The Bain & Grants Town Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 2 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 3 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 4 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 5 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 6 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 7 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 8 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 9 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 10 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 11 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 12 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 13 College of the Bahamas, Poinciana Drive
Polling Division No. 14 C. R. Walker Secondary School, Blue Hill Road


The Bamboo Town Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 2 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 3 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 4 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 5 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 6 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 7 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 8 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 9 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 10 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 11 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 12 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 13 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road
Polling Division No. 14 Prince Williams High School, Cowpen Road


The Blue Hills Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 2 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 3 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 4 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 5 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 6 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 7 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 8 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 9 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 10 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 11 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 12 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 13 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd
Polling Division No. 14 Garvin Tynes Primary School, Alexander Blvd


The Carmichael Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 2 Gerald Cash Primary School, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 3 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 4 Gerald Cash Primary School, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 5 Gerald Cash Primary School, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 6 Gerald Cash Primary School, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 7 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 8 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 9 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 10 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road


The Clifton Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Adelaide Primary School, Adelaide Village
Polling Division No. 2 Adelaide Primary School, Adelaide Village
Polling Division No. 3 Church of God of Prophecy, Mt. Pleasant
Polling Division No. 4 Church of God of Prophecy, Mt. Pleasant
Polling Division No. 5 Adelaide Primary School, Adelaide Village
Polling Division No. 6 Gambier Primary School, Gambier Village
Polling Division No. 7 Gambier Primary School, Gambier Village
Polling Division No. 8 Gambier Primary School, Gambier Village
Polling Division No. 9 Gambier Primary School, Gambier Village
Polling Division No. 10 Adelaide Primary School, Adelaide Village


The Elizabeth Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 2 Thelma Gibson Primary School, Elizabeth Estates
Polling Division No. 3 Thelma Gibson Primary School, Elizabeth Estates
Polling Division No. 4 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 5 Thelma Gibson Primary School, Elizabeth Estates
Polling Division No. 6 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 7 Thelma Gibson Primary School, Elizabeth Estates
Polling Division No. 8 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 9 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 10 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 11 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive
Polling Division No. 12 Faith Temple Christian Academy, Prince Charles Drive


The Englerston Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue.
Polling Division No. 2 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue.
Polling Division No. 3 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road.
Polling Division No. 4 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue.
Polling Division No. 5 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road.
Polling Division No. 6 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue.
Polling Division No. 7 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue
Polling Division No. 8 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 9 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 10 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 11 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 12 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 13 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road
Polling Division No. 14 E. P. Roberts Primary School, Balfour Avenue
Polling Division No. 15 R. M. Bailey Senior High School, Robinson Road


The Farm Road And Centreville Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 2 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 3 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 4 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 5 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 6 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 7 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 8 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 9 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 10 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 11 Our Lady’s Primary School, Deveaux Street
Polling Division No. 12 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 13 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 14 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue
Polling Division No. 15 Centreville Primary School, Collins Avenue


The Fort Charlotte Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 2 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 3 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 4 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 5 C. C. Sweeting Sr. High School, College Avenue
Polling Division No. 6 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 7 C. C. Sweeting Sr. High School, College Avenue
Polling Division No. 8 C. C. Sweeting Sr. High School, College Avenue
Polling Division No. 9 C. C. Sweeting Sr. High School, College Avenue
Polling Division No. 10 St. Francis/Joseph Primary School, Boyd Road
Polling Division No. 11 C. C. Sweeting Sr. High School, College Avenue


The Fox Hill Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Sandilands Primary School, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 2 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 3 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 4 Sandilands Primary School, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 5 Sandilands Primary School, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 6 Sandilands Primary School, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 7 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 8 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 9 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 10 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 11 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 12 St. Augustine’s College, Bernard Road


The Garden Hills Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 2 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 3 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 4 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 5 S. C. McPherson Jr. High, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 6 S. C. McPherson Jr. High, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 7 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 8 A. F. Adderley Secondary School, Blue Hill
Polling Division No. 9 S. C. McPherson Jr. High, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 10 S. C. McPherson Jr. High, Blue Hill Road
Polling Division No. 11 S. C. McPherson Jr. High, Blue Hill Road


The Golden Gates Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 2 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 3 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road
Polling Division No. 4 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 5 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 6 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 7 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 8 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 9 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 10 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 11 Carlton Francis Primary School, Seven Hills
Polling Division No. 12 Carmichael Primary School, Carmichael Road


The Golden Isles Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 2 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 3 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 4 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 5 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 6 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 7 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 8 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 9 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 10 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens
Polling Division No. 11 Gerald Cash Primary, Flamingo Gardens


The Kennedy Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 2 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 3 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 4 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 5 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 6 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 7 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 8 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 9 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 10 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 11 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 12 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road
Polling Division No. 13 Bahamas Technical & Vocational Institute, Old Trail Road


The Killarney Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 2 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 3 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 4 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 5 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 6 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 7 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 8 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 9 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 10 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 11 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 12 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive
Polling Division No. 13 H. O. Nash Secondary School, Dolphin Drive


The Marathon Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Claridge Road Primary School, Claridge Road
Polling Division No. 2 Claridge Road Primary School, Claridge Road
Polling Division No. 3 Claridge Road Primary School, Claridge Road
Polling Division No. 4 Claridge Road Primary School, Claridge Road
Polling Division No. 5 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 6 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 7 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 8 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 9 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 10 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates
Polling Division No. 11 C. I. Gibson High School, Marathon Estates


The Montagu Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 2 Kings Way Academy, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 3 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 4 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 5 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 6 Kings Way Academy, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 7 Kings Way Academy, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 8 Kings Way Academy, Bernard Road
Polling Division No. 9 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 10 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 11 Queens’ College High School, Village Road
Polling Division No. 12 St. Matthews Primary School, Church Street


The Mount Moriah Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 2 St. John’s College, Bishop Eldon Drive
Polling Division No. 3 St. John’s College, Bishop Eldon Drive
Polling Division No. 4 St. John’s College, Bishop Eldon Drive
Polling Division No. 5 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 6 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 7 St. John’s College, Bishop Eldon Drive
Polling Division No. 8 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 9 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 10 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 11 Government High School, Yellow Elder Way
Polling Division No. 12 St. John’s College, Bishop Eldon Drive


The Pinewood Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 2 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 3 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 4 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 5 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 6 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 7 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 8 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 9 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 10 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens
Polling Division No. 11 Cleveland Eneas Primary School, Pinewood Gardens


The St. Anne’s Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 2 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 3 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 4 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 5 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 6 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 7 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 8 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 9 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 10 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road
Polling Division No. 11 St. Anne’s School, Fox Hill Road


The St. Cecilia Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 2 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 3 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 4 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 5 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 6 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 7 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park
Polling Division No. 8 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 9 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park
Polling Division No. 10 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park
Polling Division No. 11 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park
Polling Division No. 12 St. Cecilia Primary School, Third Street the Grove
Polling Division No. 13 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park
Polling Division No. 14 Ridgeland Primary School, Ridgeland Park


The St. Thomas More Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 2 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 3 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 4 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 5 St. Thomas More Primary School, Madeira Street
Polling Division No. 6 St. Thomas More Primary School, Madeira Street
Polling Division No. 7 St. Thomas More Primary School, Madeira Street
Polling Division No. 8 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 9 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 10 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 11 St. Thomas More Primary School, Madeira Street
Polling Division No. 12 St. Thomas More Primary School, Madeira Street
Polling Division No. 13 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 14 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 15 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street
Polling Division No. 16 Palmdale Primary School, Bradley Street


The Sea Breeze Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 2 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 3 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 4 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 5 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 6 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 7 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 8 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 9 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 10 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 11 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 12 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village
Polling Division No. 13 Sadie Curtis Primary School, Nassau Village


The South Beach Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 2 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 3 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 4 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 5 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 6 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 7 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 8 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 9 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 10 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South
Polling Division No. 11 C. V. Bethel High School, East Street South


The Yamacraw Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 2 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 3 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 4 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 5 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 6 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 7 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 8 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 9 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 10 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 11 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw
Polling Division No. 12 St. Andrews School, Yamacraw


Freeport, Grand Bahama

The Eight Mile Rock Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Lewis Yard Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 Lewis Yard Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Church of God - Hawksbill
Polling Division No. 4 Church of God - Hawksbill
Polling Division No. 5 Hugh Campbell Primary School
Polling Division No. 6 Bartlett Hill Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Bartlett Hill Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 St. Stephen’s Anglican Church Parish Hall
Polling Division No. 9 Eight Mile Rock High School
Polling Division No. 10 Eight Mile Rock High School
Polling Division No. 11 Eight Mile Rock High School
Polling Division No. 12 Eight Mile Rock High School
Polling Division No. 13 St. Vincent De Paul Catholic School
Polling Division No. 14 St. George’s High School
Polling Division No.15 St. George’s High School


The Lucaya Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 St. George’s High School Gym
Polling Division No. 2 Walter P. Parker Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Mary Star of the Sea Catholic School
Polling Division No. 4 Mary Star of the Sea Catholic School
Polling Division No. 5 St. George’s High School
Polling Division No. 6 St. George’s High School
Polling Division No. 7 Bishop Michael Eldon School
Polling Division No. 8 Walter P. Parker Primary School
Polling Division No. 9 Bishop Michael Eldon School
Polling Division No. 10 Mary Star of the Sea Catholic School
Polling Division No. 11 Mary Star of the Sea Catholic School
Polling Division No. 12 St. George’s High School Gym
Polling Division No. 13 St. George’s High School Gym
Polling Division No. 14 Walter P. Parker Primary School
Polling Division No. 15 Bishop Michael Eldon School
Polling Division No. 16 Walter P. Parker Primary School
Polling Division No. 17 St. George’s High School Gym


The High Rock Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Sweetings Cay Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 High Rock Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Eric L. Sam Center
Polling Division No. 4 Free Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Water Cay All-Age School
Polling Division No. 6 McCleans Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Freeport Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 Maurice Moore Primary School
Polling Division No. 9 Freeport Primary School
Polling Division No. 10 Maurice Moore Primary School
Polling Division No. 11 Walter P. Parker Primary School
Polling Division No. 12 Freeport Primary School
Polling Division No. 13 Freeport Primary School
Polling Division No. 14 Eric L. Sam Center


The Marco City Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Maurice Moore Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 Freeport Gospel Chapel School
Polling Division No. 3 Jack Hayward High School
Polling Division No. 4 Mary Star of the Sea Catholic School
Polling Division No. 5 Sunland Baptist Academy
Polling Division No. 6 Sunland Baptist Academy
Polling Division No. 7 Bishop Michael Eldon School
Polling Division No. 8 Bishop Michael Eldon School
Polling Division No. 9 Jack Hayward High School
Polling Division No. 10 Jack Hayward High School
Polling Division No. 11 Jack Hayward High School
Polling Division No. 12 Jack Hayward High School
Polling Division No. 13 Grand Bahama Catholic High School
Polling Division No. 14 Jack Hayward High School


The Pineridge Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Hugh Campbell Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 Genesis Academy
Polling Division No. 3 Grand Bahama Catholic High School
Polling Division No. 4 St. Paul’s Methodist College
Polling Division No. 5 St. Paul’s Methodist College
Polling Division No. 6 Grand Bahama Catholic High School
Polling Division No. 7 St. Paul’s Methodist College
Polling Division No. 8 Foster B. Pestaina Center
Polling Division No. 9 Foster B. Pestaina Center
Polling Division No. 10 Central Church of God
Polling Division No. 11 Grand Bahama Catholic High School
Polling Division No. 12 Tabernacle Baptist Christian Academy
Polling Division No. 13 Tabernacle Baptist Christian Academy


The West End And Bimini Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 West End Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 West End Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 West End Primary School
Polling Division No. 4 Holmes Rock Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Holmes Rock Primary School
Polling Division No. 6 Martin Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Martin Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 Public School, Alice Town
Polling Division No. 9 Anglican Parish Hall, Bailey Town
Polling Division No. 10 Holy Name Catholic School, Bailey Town
Polling Division No. 11 Mount Zion Baptist Sunday School Hall, Bailey Town


Family Islands

The North Abaco Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Grand Cay All Age School
Polling Division No. 2 Fox Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Teacher Residence, Cedar Harbour
Polling Division No. 4 North Abaco High
Polling Division No. 5 Cooper Town Primary
Polling Division No. 6 Leasure Lee, Marsh Harbour
Polling Division No. 7 Green Turtle Cay School
Polling Division No. 8 Abaco Central High
Polling Division No. 9 Abaco Central High
Polling Division No. 10 Abaco Central High
Polling Division No. 11 Abaco Central High


The South Abaco Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Guana Cay All Age School
Polling Division No. 2 Man-O-War Cay Public School
Polling Division No. 3 Hope Town Public School
Polling Division No. 4 Marsh Harbour Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Marsh Harbour Primary School
Polling Division No. 6 Marsh Harbour Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Old School, Spring City
Polling Division No. 8 Cherokee Cay, Spring City
Polling Division No. 9 Different of Abaco
Polling Division No. 10 Crossing Rocks Public School
Polling Division No. 11 Sandy Point Public School
Polling Division No. 12 Moores Island Public School


The South Andros Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Mars Bay Post Office
Polling Division No. 2 Deep Creek Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 South Andros High School
Polling Division No. 4 High Rock Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Long Bay Cays Pre-School
Polling Division No. 6 Old Driggs Hill Primary School/Community Center
Polling Division No. 7 Victoria’s Point Pre-School
Polling Division No. 8 Burnt Rock Primary School
Polling Division No. 9 Behring Point Primary
Polling Division No. 10 Bowen Sound Primary School
Polling Division No. 11 Fresh Creek Primary School
Polling Division No. 12 Central Andros High School


The Cat Island, Rum Cay & San Salvador Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Arthur’s Town High School
Polling Division No. 2 Orange Creek Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Bennett’s Harbour Primary School
Polling Division No. 4 Media Centre, The Cove
Polling Division No. 5 New Bight Primary School
Polling Division No. 6 Old Bight Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Porte Howe, Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 Devil’s Point Post Office
Polling Division No. 9 Rum Cay All-Age School
Polling Division No. 10 Catholic Church Hall
Polling Division No. 11 San Salvador Elewating Assoc. Lodge Hall


The North Eleuthera Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 2 All Age School, Harbour Island
Polling Division No. 3 Catholic Centre, Harbour Island
Polling Division No. 4 Spanish Wells All Age School
Polling Division No. 5 Spanish Wells All Age School
Polling Division No. 6 Spanish Wells All Age School
Polling Division No. 7 Community Centre Current
Polling Division No. 8 Current Island All Age School
Polling Division No. 9 North Eleuthera Primary School, Bluff
Polling Division No. 10 North Eleuthera High School, Lower Bogue
Polling Division No. 11 Town Hall Administrator’s Complex Upper Bogue
Polling Division No. 12 Primary School, Gregory Town
Polling Division No. 13 P. A. Gibson Primary School Hatchet Bay
Polling Division No. 14 Primary School, James Cistern


The North Andros And Berry Islands Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Lowe Sound Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 Society Hall Lowe Sound
Polling Division No. 3 Nicholls Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 4 Nicholls Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Conch Sound Community Center
Polling Division No. 6 Red Bay’s Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Training Centre Barc Community
Polling Division No. 8 R. N. Gomez All Age School
Polling Division No. 9 Mastic Point Primary School
Polling Division No. 10 Lodge Hall, South Mastic Point
Polling Division No. 11 Public School, Stafford Creek
Polling Division No. 12 Public School, Blanket Sound
Polling Division No. 13 Public School, Stanyard Creek


The South Eleuthera Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 2 Preston H. Albury High School
Polling Division No. 3 Rock Sound Primary
Polling Division No. 4 Green Castle, Primary
Polling Division No. 5 Wemyss Bight Primary
Polling Division No. 6 Deep Creek Primary
Polling Division No. 7 Administrative Building
Polling Division No. 8 Administrative Building
Polling Division No. 9 Governor’s Harbour Primary
Polling Division No. 10 Magistrate’s Court Governor’s Harbour
Polling Division No. 11 Emma E. Cooper Primary School


The Exuma Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Staniel Cay All Age School
Polling Division No. 2 Black Point All Age School
Polling Division No. 3 Farmers Cay All Age School
Polling Division No. 4 Barraterre School Building
Polling Division No. 5 Stuart Manor Primary School
Polling Division No. 6 Rolleville Primary School
Polling Division No. 7 Rokers Point Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 Forest Primary School
Polling Division No. 9 Mt. Thompson Primary School
Polling Division No. 10 Moss Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 11 George Town Primary School
Polling Division No. 12 Roll Town Community Centre
Polling Division No. 13 Williams Town Public School
Polling Division No. 14 Exuma Resource Centre
Polling Division No. 15 St. Margaret Anglican Church Community Centre


The Long Island & Ragged Islands Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Morrisville Primary School
Polling Division No. 2 Community Centre, Clarence Town
Polling Division No. 3 Mangrove Bush Primary School
Polling Division No. 4 Lower Deadmans Cay Primary School
Polling Division No. 5 Resource Centre, Grays
Polling Division No. 6 Miller School Building
Polling Division No. 7 Simms Primary School
Polling Division No. 8 Glintons Primary School
Polling Division No. 9 School Building, Ragged Island
Polling Division No. 10 NGM Major High School


The Mical Constituency
Polling Division Polling Place

Polling Division No. 1 Public Library Landrail Point
Polling Division No. 2 Cabbage Hill Primary School
Polling Division No. 3 Colonel Hill High School
Polling Division No. 4 Primary School Lovely Bay
Polling Division No. 5 Primary School Snug Corner
Polling Division No. 6 High School Pompey Bay
Polling Division No. 7 Primary School Salina Point
Polling Division No. 8 Post Office, Long Cay
Polling Division No. 9 Abraham’s Bay High School
Polling Division No. 10 Pirates Well Primary School
Polling Division No. 11 High School, Matthew Town
Polling Division No. 12 Primary School, Matthew Town



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