Showing posts with label Bahamian Politicians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bahamian Politicians. Show all posts

Sunday, September 4, 2022

The Official Opposition, Free National Movement (FNM) party is in political upheaval

Inside troublemakers who support the return of the former FNM party leader, Dr. Minnis are apparently trying feverishly/violently to frustrate the leadership of one Michael Pintard


Dr. Hubert Alexander Minnis is the seemingly bitter former FNM party leader who refuses to "Get Lost!"



Leadership challenges faced by Pintard historically infamous


By Fred Sturrup | GB News Editor | sturrup1504@gmail.com


Pintard and Minnis of The FNM
Recently during a high level meeting arranged by the Official Opposition in the Commonwealth of The Bahamas, the Free National Movement, reportedly there was contention.  The situation boiled over into an embarrassing, brutal physical altercation that left a noted party supporter seriously injured.  Eye witnesses informed that he was savagely put upon by a fellow strong FNM proponent, who has differing views regarding Dr. Hubert Alexander Minnis who led the party to defeat last September.

The Hon. Michael Pintard is the sitting leader of the FNM.  He attained such status in a democratic fashion, decisively.  Dr. Minnis is the seemingly bitter former leader, who did not offer himself for the role when Pintard disposed of several others through the “in order” convention voting process.

As I pointed out in an earlier opinion piece it doesn’t appear that Dr. Minnis is going away.  The view here is that he continues to grandstand, is not really respectful of Leader Pintard, and there is, accordingly,  this emotional spillover to his supporters.  Thus the FNM party is in deep crisis.  Pintard’s leadership is being assailed.

This is unfair and unprecedented in Bahamian politics.

This atrocious scenario never came about before because politicians and their followers of the past, though many of them were strong-minded, their characters did not lend themselves to violence against each other. 

The country’s first political party, the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) saw the leadership pass from Henry Milton Taylor to Lynden Oscar Pindling.  Taylor and a few others were bitter about the new kids on the block taking over, but there was not much of a thought of challenging the new order.

After Pindling’s 30-plus years of leadership, Perry Gladstone Christie emerged as leader.  There was the expected resentment and disappointment felt by those who preferred Dr. Bernard Nottage, but the party moved on handsomely.  Christie delayed his time in PLP leadership, by failing to live up to his own reported time table to demit office. However, present PLP Leader and Prime Minister Philip “Brave” Davis bided his time, and look where he is today!

The second political party in the country which produced the first government, the United Bahamian Party, had a very smooth transition from the longtime leader Sir Roland Symonette  era to Sir Jeffery Johnstone.

The FNM itself,  went through many changes, in true democratic fashion, never burdened by anything such as inside troublemakers, apparently trying feverishly/violently to frustrate the leadership of one Michael Pintard.

This is not right.  Let the man do his job in peace. 

From Sir Cecil Wallace to Sir Kendal Isaacs and back to Sir Cecil; to the three-time prime minister Hubert Alexander Ingraham; to Dr. Minnis; with interim leaders in place such as John Henry Bostwick, Cyril Tynes, and Tommy Turnquest; the FNM never faced anything even close to the present debacle.

It is therefore incumbent upon Pintard and the others within the FNM who have rationale, to immediately put the house in order.

Source 

Tuesday, March 13, 2012

The Bahamas has had four murder records in five years... ...Our politicians need not add hostility through public discourse in a nation that already has a violence problem

The tone of political rhetoric


thenassauguardian editorial




Over the last few weeks some very aggressive rhetoric has been exchanged between the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) and the Free National Movement (FNM).  During elections, debates should be fierce, but they should also be decent.

Former PLP Cabinet Minister Leslie Miller has called for a ‘truce’ between the PLP and FNM during the remainder of the election season.  Miller has made public jokes about State Minister for Social Development Loretta Butler-Turner’s weight and accusations directed at National Security Minister Tommy Turnquest that Turnquest said have offended his wife and family.

Turnquest has uttered homosexual innuendo about PLPs and also used words like rape and prostitution.  The FNM’s candidate for North Andros and the Berry Islands Desmond Bannister said the PLP had a bunch of geriatrics at its recent North Andros event.  Among those sitting up front were former Governor General A. D. Hanna, Dame Marguerite Pindling and retired Archbishop Drexel Gomez.

Politics is not for the weak and timid.  To enter the political arena one needs to be able to withstand attacks of all types.  Some of these attacks pertain to ideas, some to past conduct, some to the conduct of friends and relatives, some to relationships.

It is fair and reasonable for political adversaries to scrutinize the records of opponents.  In fact, such scrutiny by opponents and the media is essential to the functioning of our democracy.  The party that wins the general election will exercise executive control of the government.  The electorate should be presented with relevant information by the media and other parties so it can make the best possible decision.

A line should be drawn, though, at personal attacks that have nothing to do with governance, politics or policy.  Calling someone fat, for example, should not be part of the process.  Similarly, suggesting that people are gay, to disparage them, should not be how we campaign.  It is not illegal to be gay or fat in The Bahamas.

Furthermore, candidates definitely should not accuse opponents of crimes of violence they have no proof of.  Such an act should be condemned by all sides and should not be repeated from any political platform.

The nastier the personal attacks get, the more hostile the relationship gets between Bahamians on the various sides of the political divide.  If the rhetoric between the sides gets violent in nature, it is possible for supporters to take those verbal sentiments and to transform them into deeds and actions.

For the most part, there has been little violence in Bahamian politics.  This is something to be proud of.  It indicates that as a people we are able to disagree aggressively without needing to inflict physical harm on each other.

We should all work to keep our politics this way – aggressive but not unduly hostile.  In doing so we keep our country stable.  The Bahamas has had four murder records in five years.  Our politicians need not add hostility through public discourse in a nation that already has a violence problem.

Mar 12, 2012

thenassauguardian editorial

Saturday, February 11, 2012

Haitian President Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly's visit to The Bahamas and the politics of Bahamian Politicians in regards to it

By Dennis Dames:



The recent visit by the president of Haiti, Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly to The Bahamas - has created the perfect non-issue for political parties that are grasping at straws. The Haitian President advised Bahamian voters of Haitian descent to simply vote for the party and candidates that best suit their interests – in the upcoming general election. It’s something that we all should do; it’s the essence of politics and elections in a democracy in my view.

So what’s the uproar all about? Well, they are looking for votes by hook or crook. So, one easy way to do it is to stir up the emotion of the Bahamian electorate on the illegal immigration issue; where unregulated Haitians are at the heart. Offering substantive suggestions on how we could deal effectively with our illegal immigration challenges are lacking on the part of political parties in The Bahamas; especially the opposition lot. Their prime perspective is to send all illegals home forthwith; nothing more – nothing less. It’s an impractical and unworkable solution laced with man’s inhumanity to man – in my opinion.

The fringe political party, Democratic National Alliance (DNA) and its politically crazy leader – Branville McCartney went to town with all kinds of nonsense regarding the Haitian President’s words to his people and Bahamian-Haitian voters. He said that the president’s remarks were a direct attack on Bahamian democracy and all Bahamians. McCartney further stated that “Sweet Micky” should respect the sovereignty of our democracy. What did Mr. Martelly do or say that we missed which instigated such empty sentiments by the leader of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA)?

Bradley Roberts, Chairman of the official opposition - Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) said that he thought that it was an insult to the Bahamian people that a foreigner would come to The Bahamas to instruct Bahamian citizens to vote one way or the other. When did president Martelly do this Mr. Roberts?

Others have said that the president of Haiti’s visit was ill-timed because of a general election being around the corner in The Bahamas.

The bottom-line is this: opposition parties in The Bahamas feel and know deep inside their hearts that Bahamian voters of Haitian descent will support the governing Free National Movement (FNM) in the greatest numbers in the approaching general election; because Haitian-Bahamians believe that the FNM is the political vehicle in The Bahamas that has their best interest at heart.

The other parties are strong on their anti-foreign and immigrant messages. Everyone with eyes to see, and ears to hear knows this. Do not blame Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly for the hate and divisions within the Bahamian society caused by Bahamian politicians who simply do not like outsiders.

The time has come for the Bahamian people to realize the enormous benefits of trade and cooperation with our neighbor to the south – Haiti. President Martelly spoke about creating jobs for his people so that they do not have to leave Haiti looking for the same; and he encouraged his compatriots in The Bahamas to return home to help build their poor nation.

The main purpose of the Haitian president’s visit to The Bahamas according to news reports was to promote Haiti as a nation ripe for investments and full of opportunities. He encouraged his people to unite with him to turn things around in Haiti for the durable better.

President Martelly brought hope to his people in The Bahamas, and Bahamians should see the wisdom and benefits of a Haiti on the move with increasing economic benefits to The Bahamas and its people.

This is something to rejoice about, and Bahamians should welcome a new era of success and prosperity with Haiti and its people.

Caribbean Blog International

Michael Telairin, Coordinator of the United Haitian Bahamian Association of The Bahamas says that Haitian President Michel Martelly’s visit to The Bahamas this week was positive, but his message was misunderstood... ...Martelly said that those Haitian-Bahamians who have the opportunity to vote in The Bahamas' upcoming general election, should support the party who has their interest at heart ...and these comments are articulated by every politician and religious leader ...so it should not have such a negative reaction

Haitian-Bahamian group says Martelly was misunderstood


By Royston Jones Jr
Guardian Staff Reporter
royston@nasguard.com



United Haitian Bahamian Association of The Bahamas Coordinator, Michael Telairin, said yesterday Haitian President Michel Martelly’s visit to The Bahamas this week was positive, but his message was misunderstood.

Telairin also said Martelly’s timing was “unfortunate due to the political climate” which has escalated the negative reaction to his message to members of the Haitian community here.

Telairin is a Bahamian citizen, whose parents are of Haitian descent.

Martelly spoke to thousands of Haitians and Haitian-Bahamians on Tuesday night at the Church of God on Joe Farrington Road.

He urged them to form a voting bloc in The Bahamas and align themselves with the political party that will best serve their interests.

“I told them to organize themselves and identify in the upcoming election who is on their side. That way they can become a force. By being [unified] in the elections they might have people taking care of them. . .this is the democratic way,” said Martelly on Wednesday.

However, the Haitian Embassy said yesterday that some of Martelly’s comments were misunderstood, claiming “he did not intend to interfere in any way with the internal politics of The Bahamas”.

The statement noted that the primary purpose of the president’s visit was to discuss business and investment opportunities in Haiti to improve the lives of Haitians so they do not have to migrate to other countries.

“The Embassy of Haiti wants to highlight the importance of making inroads towards improving relations between the two countries through mutual and respectful cooperation,” the statement said.

Telairin reiterated that Martelly’s message was taken out of context and insisted that message was very informative and needed.

“[The president’s message and] visit really wasn’t to stir up any commotion,” Telairin said.

Radio talk shows were flooded with calls from angry Bahamians yesterday, claiming that Martelly’s comments would encourage newly regularized Bahamians to vote for the Free National Movement.

“The negative opinions that Bahamians have been expressing on many radio talk shows are not called for,” Telairin said.

“He (Martelly) said that those who have the opportunity to vote, should vote for the party who has their interest at heart and these comments are articulated by every politician and religious leader so it should not have such a negative reaction.

“His position right now is to get the people to understand that he is for them and his address and tour during his time here was to reinforce that message.”

Telairin added, “What he was also telling [Haitians and Haitian-Bahamians] in attendance...is that they have to understand they should not expect all the laws in The Bahamas to be to their advantage and he said to continue to respect the law of the land.”

Martelly arrived in The Bahamas Tuesday night and left on Wednesday.

Feb 10, 2012

thenassauguardian

Friday, February 3, 2012

I believe that what is lacking in our Bahamian society is an ‘all hands on deck’ approach in our communities by our parents, religious leaders, politicians and civic organizations... ...we must invest appropriately in the education of our children to acquire the requisite skill-set... diversifying our economy to provide opportunities for both educated and technical Bahamians... taking the necessary steps to reduce our national debt and deficit... as well as implementing a progressive tax system in order to move our country forward

Where do we go from here? pt. 1

By Arinthia S. Komolafe:



The Bahamas like many other nations around the world in this 21st century is plagued with socio-economic challenges that seem to stifle the progress of our nation towards the path that leads to the desired level of peace, prosperity and security for our people.  The economy is certainly uppermost in the minds of our people as we tread through these turbulent times with many looking to the government for solutions to our economic woes.  However, there is a growing concern over the increased level of social degradation that we are experiencing as evidenced by the myriad social issues that we are confronted with daily.  Unfortunately, it appears that our young people continue to be the major casualties of this degradation.  This impact on our youth raises the fundamental question: Are we failing our youth and will we continue to lose successive generations of Bahamians to issues such as poor economic policies, inadequate education and social ills?

 

The current circumstance

At the government level, it appears that little progress has been made in improving both our economy and the educational system in our nation.  The inability of the government to diversify our economy to provide more job opportunities for its people is accelerating the increase in our poverty levels.  The recent global economic downturn has highlighted the inefficiencies of our economic model that is based primarily on the service industry with dependence on financial services and tourism.  It also stresses the regressive nature of our tax code and inefficient methods of collecting government revenue.  Most importantly, it reinforces the harsh reality of our gross dependency on the prosperity of the American and European economies.  The more we witness events unfold in The Bahamas, one can’t help but wonder whether we are regressing rather than progressing.

Over the last five years alone, our national debt has risen to an astounding $4.5 billion, our debt-to-GDP ratio has increased from some 30 percent to approximately 60 percent.  Our deficit currently stands at more than eight percent and the unemployment rate has doubled during the last few years, contributing to the tremendous amount of foreclosures in our nation.  The government has justified its borrowing as the only alternative course of action to prevent a collapse in the Bahamian economy.  However, one wonders whether this was in fact the only option available and if agreed, if the borrowed funds were invested in a manner that benefitted a wide cross-section of Bahamians or just a select few.  The aforementioned statistics suggest that the funds were arguably mismanaged and invested heavily in infrastructural projects that benefitted a small percentage of contractors and companies while the country witnessed and continues to witness increased social degradation.

Being in a position where it was strapped for cash and with revenues down, the government has made minimal investment in social programs comparative to its investment in infrastructural projects and has significantly increased the tax burden on its people in addition to raising the national debt.  It is common knowledge that investment in key social programs is important for the sustenance of our nation and will help minimize the rising social issues that plague our nation.  Focusing on education, it is a given that an educated Bahamas will position itself to play a more vital role on the global stage.  The general consensus still exists that education in various forms including academic, athletic, social and culture among others, provides an individual with an opportunity to pursue a better way of life.  In The Bahamas, it appears that there are classes of Bahamian children who are being denied adequate education, particularly in the public school system.

 

The need for a better education system

The Department of Statistics’ labor force report reveals that two percent of our labor force has had no schooling and six percent has stopped short of a primary education while nine percent of our total work force has not completed secondary education.  The aforesaid percentages suggest that approximately 20 percent of our working population is inadequately equipped academically to compete on a national level, let alone a global level.  There is further evidence that shows that approximately 20 percent of our work force receives a university level education while 10 percent attend some other form of tertiary education.  As a result, 53 percent of our work force attain at the most an education at the secondary level.

Combined with the aforementioned startling statistics is the fact that the national grade average based upon national examination results in 2011 sits at a discontented D average.  Even more disturbing is the fact that the D average includes the private schooling system, which if removed, will probably significantly decrease the national average.  It is reported that the recent examination results evidence that approximately 34 percent of 5,000 plus students sitting the English examination received C or above while some 24 percent who took math received a C or above.  Consequently, 65 percent of our children received an English grade of D or lower while some 75 percent of our children received a grade of D or lower.  The lack of sufficient teachers to teach key subjects such as math, physics, chemistry and other technical courses, has been blamed for these unimpressive statistics.  It is important to ascertain whether sufficient measures are being put in place to encourage more Bahamians to become educators.

In the absence of an aggressive recruitment process, are we exhausting all avenues to engage qualified teachers that will produce the desired results?  Further, what measures are being taken to reduce the overcrowding in our public system to provide for more favorable teacher-student ratios?  If we are serious about preparing the next generation for the future, greater emphasis must be placed upon adequate and quality education of our children.  We must see to it that more of the 53 percent mentioned above have the opportunity to receive tertiary level education and greater opportunities to obtain the same locally.  Of particular note is the long overdue upgrade of The College of The Bahamas to university status.

Investment in infrastructure is absolutely necessary to any society, but a lack of investment in a nation’s citizens and, more importantly, the education of its youth will minimize or eradicate any lasting effect of infrastructural development due to a lack of qualified citizens in society with a propensity to increase social ills.  In this regard, it is welcomed news to hear that the Progressive Liberal Party has committed to doubling the budget allocation to education if it wins the next general election; however, such allotment must be dispensed in an effective manner that will produce favorable results in education.

Many believe that our leaders are bankrupt of ideas to address our failing education system.  The curriculum itself is widely believed to be deficient and outdated.  The lack of adequate education among our youth will inevitably lead to a further increase in social issues and will inevitably increase youth engagement in illegal activities such as the drug trade, guns and arms trafficking and anti-social behavior such as gang violence.

A lie has been sold to our children that the perceived rewards of these activities afford them a lifestyle that may otherwise be unattainable by securing an honest job and obtaining a better way of life through conventional norms.  The level of violence among our youth had increased to such an alarming rate that a school-based policing program was initiated by the Christie administration of 2002-2007.  It is worth noting that the current administration canceled the program in 2007.  However, their subsequent realization of the wisdom of the program in the midst of escalating levels of violence in our schools prompted the re-implementation of the program in 2011.  In today’s Bahamas, our young people should not be faced with the challenge of having a fear of attending school due to violence among their peers; neither should teachers be afraid to carry out their functions as nation builders in fear of a potential violent backlash.

I believe that what is lacking in our society is an ‘all hands on deck’ approach in our society by our parents, religious leaders, politicians and civic organizations.  However, we must invest appropriately in the education of our children to acquire the requisite skill-set, diversifying our economy to provide opportunities for both educated and technical Bahamians, taking the necessary steps to reduce our national debt and deficit as well as implementing a progressive tax system in order to move our country forward.

Failure to implement the necessary policies looking at the current environment in which we live begs the questions: Is there light at the end of the tunnel?  Should we hope again?  Will the Bahamian dream be preserved for future generations?  Where do we go from here?

 

•Arinthia S.Komolafe is an attorney-at-law.  Comments can be directed to: arinthia.komolafe@Komolafelaw.com

Feb 02, 2012

thenassauguardian

Where do we go from here? Pt. 2

Thursday, January 26, 2012

If doctors and politicians want to attract medical tourism to The Bahamas, they need first to inspire confidence in Bahamian medical services among Bahamians themselves... ...Putting the legislation that already exists to work on behalf of the public interest by providing quality assurance and oversight of healthcare delivery is the obvious place to start

A question of medical trust

Tough Call - tribune242



IN a recent Tribune article, heart specialist Dr Conville Brown complained about Bahamians spending millions of dollars in the US for medical care that could easily be obtained at home.
He was arguing in favour of local healthcare providers building a large-scale medical tourism industry.

"The same things that all tourists do," he said, "the medical tourist has to do. (And) if the ownership is Bahamian, then the economy really wins because those funds will stay here."
But at the same time, he felt constrained to point out that Bahamians were offsetting the income from foreigners by flying off to get treatment in the US.

"We boost their economy big time. We are reverse medical tourists. Several hospitals in South Florida say their biggest international clientele is from the Bahamas."

Medical tourism is a multi-billion-dollar growth industry that hospitals, doctors and tourism marketers around the world are eager to tap into. By some accounts, more than half a million Americans travel to other countries for medical treatment - partly for cost reasons and partly to take advantage of procedures not yet approved in the US.

There can be no disagreement with Dr Brown's position in terms of the Bahamian economy. And for patients, the benefits are equally obvious and compelling. If Bahamians obtained their medical treatment at home, they would significantly reduce the logistics, expense and stress of being treated abroad.

Why then, do so many of us spend so much money overseas for treatments that are available right here at home? We can answer that question fairly confidently - given a choice, patients will seek medical care from the doctors, hospitals and clinics they trust the most.

This is a personal decision, and it is usually an informed decision. Patients must feel assured that the doctors and facilities they choose are both accountable and able to provide the best quality care they can afford.

So what processes do we have in place to convey such assurances to Bahamians?
Well, there are three statutory bodies that are capable of providing quality assurance and oversight to the Bahamian healthcare sector.

The Public Health Authority has managed government hospitals and clinics since 1999, under the direction of the Minister of Health. As an independent public body, the Authority is responsible for planning, policy, monitoring, evaluation, and management, as well as programme development and oversight.

However, the PHA's legislation has no provision for the investigation of complaints about the healthcare facilities managed by the Authority. Instead, PHA patients are advised to contact the "patient representative" to discuss any concerns they may have.

The Hospital and Health Care Facilities Board was created by Parliament in 1998 to license private hospitals and clinics. This legislation does include a specific mandate to investigate complaints into the "diagnosis, management and treatment" of any patient.

Physicians are the primary providers of healthcare, whether in the public or private sector, and since 1974 they have been licensed and regulated by the Medical Council. According to its website, the council was established "to regulate the medical profession, to upgrade doctors through continuing education requirements, and to safeguard the public through receiving and disposing of complaints".
However, despite the fact that it represents one of the richest professions, the council is made up of a handful of volunteers with virtually no administrative staff. Their website, for example, includes dead and departed physicians on its registry.

So do the records of these three bodies help to inspire confidence and trust in the delivery of healthcare services in the Bahamas?

Well, it would be useful to know how many complaints have been processed by the PHA's "patient representative" and how they were resolved, but unfortunately that information is not publicly available. As for the Hospital Board and the Medical Council, a summary of the case history of one complaint to these bodies over the past decade is instructive.

In 2004, a complaint was made to the Hospital Board concerning the treatment of a 42-year-old man who unexpectedly died in 2002 in a licensed Bahamian healthcare facility.

The board initially refused to deal with the complaint. But after several board members were replaced in 2005 by then Health Minister Dr Marcus Bethel, he ordered that the complaint be investigated. This order by Dr Bethel more than six years ago is the high-point of the case.

The 2005 board met with the complainant's legal and medical representatives in 2006. Afterwards, the Board chairman advised that "since the patient was dead, the file should be closed."

The board did, however, reconsider, and an investigatory panel was to be formed. However, the government changed before this happened.

The new government reinstated the 2004 board chairman, and other members. This chairman reported to a Rotary Club meeting in 2008 that the board didn't want to investigate any complaints, or "be involved in that detailed level of work".

The board said it would seek to have its enabling legislation amended, to remove the investigative requirements, and also to remove the requirement for licensed facilities to report deaths occurring on their premises - a legal mandate never complied with, and never enforced, over the board's entire lifetime.

(It should also be noted that over the past 14 years the board has issued only two "annual" reports to Parliament, something which it is required to do by law every year. And even obtaining copies of those two reports presents enormous challenges).

At a public meeting in 2008, Health Minister Dr Hubert Minnis also promised to investigate the 2004 complaint. But it is now 2012 and the board has taken no action whatsoever. Neither has it ever responded to the complainant.

As for the Medical Council, it received a complaint about the same patient's treatment and care in 2008. The disciplinary committee of the Medical Council met twice on the matter, and three years ago, then council chairman Dr Duane Sands assured Tough Call that: "There is no stonewalling. We take this very, very seriously because we want to ensure that the public will be well-served at the end of the day by this groundbreaking precedent."

He also told me that the medical act (which has been stalled for almost a decade now) was being strengthened to deal with "a finite group of people who are discrediting the profession without any real repercussions - from charging extortionary fees to providing less than appropriate care".
However, in December of last year, the Medical Council's disciplinary committee suspended the 2004 complaint investigation indefinitely.

The council decided it could not proceed because of an ex-parte injunction granted by a Supreme Court judge against the disciplinary committee in 2009, on the application of a doctor concerned in the matter. Since then, the Medical Council has taken no steps either to have the injunction removed or to proceed with the investigation.

The injunction itself is a curious feature in this story. It is perhaps "the one and only" injunction to be granted by one Supreme Court judge against another Supreme Court judge (who sits in his judicial capacity as a member of the statutory disciplinary committee).

Kerzner's branding of the Ocean Club as the "One and Only" has given a high profile to the Bahamas as an attractive destination, but the "one and only" injunction against a Supreme Court judge could have a converse affect on the Bahamas as a destination for medical tourism - quite apart from the collateral damage inflicted on the public oversight function of the Medical Council.

If doctors and politicians want to attract medical tourism to the Bahamas, they need first to inspire confidence in Bahamian medical services among Bahamians themselves. Putting the legislation that already exists to work on behalf of the public interest by providing quality assurance and oversight of healthcare delivery is the obvious place to start.

* What do you think? Send comments to larry@tribunemedia.net or visit bahamapundit.com.

January 25, 2012

tribune242

Saturday, December 31, 2011

The politicians and the politics of the 1990s -- even of 2007 -- are obsolete... And as far as the politics of The Bahamas is concerned, both of our long-standing parties have seemed comfortable with the formula bequeathed to us by our colonial forefathers; a pepper-pot of traditionalism in some areas and a discourse of modernisation in others -- a dish which has resulted in the gradual disintegration of the Bahamian middle class over the last decade in the face of a global economy in transition, concentrating wealth more and more in fewer peoples' hands

Making the case for a national political debate



By JOEY GASKINS


EXPLICITLY, my intention is to present an argument for why I believe this election season requires a debate between the leaders of the three most visible political parties.

There are, I would argue, questions that remain concerning the lack of any pronounced or marked ideological difference between these three parties, and in these difficult times the Bahamas needs thoughtful and critical leadership.

Public debate should enrich the political process and supply Bahamians with varying and alternative imaginings of our possibilities as nation. It seems clear to me that the level of public debate in the Bahamas cannot adequately answer this challenge.

As a bonus, I hope this piece will also serve as an indictment of politics as usual in the Bahamas and an appeal directed especially at young voters. Those with influence often accuse us of apathy while simultaneously shirking responsibility for our current condition.

I fear that we will follow in their footsteps -- deifying political leaders and being baptised in red, yellow or green (or whatever the colours of the day are) on the altar of our own political immaturity. This is not the time to reify that tradition; we know now where that path leads. Look around you.

Bahamians have unfortunately been let down by a great deal of our erstwhile political pundit class, many of whom seem, quite frankly, bitter. A number of these political commentators betray what can only be described as hurt feelings and personal vendettas in their writing and on the radio.

In turn they've become the spin doctors of choice for their patron political parties, making house calls even. I'm certainly skeptical that they can be relied on to provide non-partisan opinions and I've long since rid myself of the expectation that this particular sphere of influence will ever mount a meaningful challenge to the status quo.

Colin A Hughes reminds us in his book, Race and Politics in the Bahamas, during the run-up to the 1967 election, the two most read papers in the Bahamas, The Tribune and The Nassau Guardian, both seemed to support the ruling United Bahamian Party (UBP).

These days there is no white supremacist regime that must be challenged. Instead, the status quo is represented by the uncritical and empty party politics that characterises our electoral contests.

As the revolutionary theorist, Antonio Gramsci, makes clear, there are two types of intellectuals: those who align with emergent, new intellectual and social forces, and those who work to maintain the old. The Bahamas has more than its fair share of the latter.

Facebook has seemingly provided an opportunity for more democratic political debate. However, upon closer inspection, you realise that only a few people are actually speaking.

The walls for Bahamian political Facebook groups are dominated by a small fraction of the members, most of whom are vehemently partisan mouth pieces for their team of choice.

I use the word "team" carefully, because many Bahamians treat political parties like they would a sport team -- counting who had the most people at the home game, idolising the star quarterback, comparing the roster and trash talking.

Most sports teams are devoid of ideology and I would argue our political parties are as well. For the majority of Bahamians, I would imagine that this doesn't matter; what counts is which team scores the winning touchdown. We've yet to learn that in this kind of a game everyone loses.
Sadly, referencing Hughes' book, you will quickly learn that in the early years of the 20th century the Bahamian electorate viewed the election season as a chance to get something for nothing -- then it was rum and rice. What is now, a free T-shirt and a Christmas ham?

When, as made clear by the Bahamian Wikileaks, our politicians are comfortable claiming that "free paraphernalia" is one of the most important factors in winning an election, this particular piece of history becomes significant.

Hughes' also remarks that for politicians, elections amounted to nothing more than sporting events, a game between peers carried out over generations. Ninety plus years later and things seems remarkably the same. Maybe it's an age thing but when politicians shout, "Come on down," at each other across the parliamentary aisle I can't help but think of "The Price is Right."

The lack of universal participation on Facebook may be because of apathy, but I've observed another possible explanation: outsiders and disagreeable opinions are not welcome.

In preparation for this article I decided to engage in some informal ethnographic research. I even participated in the discussion on few posts as an independent voter.

In one particular instance, my intervention was not appreciated. According to one of the regulars, my point of view apparently violated the "wisdom of God." And when I pointed out the wisdom of God, as espoused by man, has been used by man to inflict pain and suffering, no less on our own ancestors, things got ugly.

The good Christian who originally countered my argument Biblically, called me everything but a child of God, blocked me and apparently continued insulting me so that I could not respond. Meanwhile, others rushed to the post, and with a click of the "Like" button and "lol" in repetition, they patted each other on their virtual backs for maintaining a comfortable level of ignorance and aggressively defending business as usual.

This perhaps provides some insight: even on Facebook, where the access to political debate has been democratised, only certain people get to speak about certain things, and only in certain ways. There is no space on the Bahamian political landscape for alternative political discourses and few have been brave enough to try and make space.

Go off the reservation, show the ruptures of illogicality in age-old political wisdom, the senselessness in so-called political common sense, and face a collective wrath.

You can dare to question the status-quo but know that at the very least you and possibly your family will be blocked, insulted and laughed at. This is something made intelligible after my last article for this paper. My untraditional (dare I say un-Bahamian) position on homosexuality cost a family member a job opportunity. None of this makes for meaningful, respectful or productive debate, does it?

How then can a national political debate transform the grim picture I've just painted?

Honestly, it can't. But, it is a step in the right direction. Against my better judgment, I want to suggest that if anyone should be responsible for showing the Bahamian people how to conduct the kind of political debates necessary for us arrive at the best political conclusion for our country, it is our political leaders.

A nationally televised, internet streamed, radio broadcast of our two seasoned political leaders and the firebrand new contender debating policy, defining differences in ideology and comparing visions of the Bahamian future is beneficial for all, especially the Bahamian people.

I know I'm not alone when I say that I'm interested in hearing what our hopeful leaders have to offer, outside of the theatrics of adversarial parliamentary posturing and away from the throngs of adoring fans. Despite the fact that some political leaders believe they must no longer compete for their inevitable ascendancy, that they are tried and tested, these are new and unusual times.

The politicians and the politics of the 1990s -- even of 2007 -- are obsolete. And as far as the politics of the Bahamas is concerned, both of our long-standing parties have seemed comfortable with the formula bequeathed to us by our colonial forefathers, a pepper-pot of traditionalism in some areas and a discourse of modernisation in others -- a dish which has resulted in the gradual disintegration of the Bahamian middle class over the last decade in the face of a global economy in transition, concentrating wealth more and more in fewer peoples' hands.

This is also not the most opportune time for a greenhorn politician to stake a leadership claim with a less than impressive political resume. The simple answer would be to say the Bahamas needs a new politician or a new political party, when in actuality what I think we need is a new politics. I am left unconvinced that, in what has become a politics plagued by ego, we should suffer yet another political contender asserting his dominion over our government with an air of entitlement.

Prime Minister Ingraham could once and for all show the truth of the Free National Movement's record, and himself as a man of action. Mr Christie could mount a clear opposition to the FNM, and set out a bold vision for the Bahamas as imagined by the Progressive Liberal Party. It would also benefit Mr McCartney, who could finally show all of those who doubt him that he can contend on the national level and that Democratic National Alliance's promises of hope for the Bahamian people are not empty.

Not only is it time for Prime Minister Ingraham, Mr Christie and Mr. McCartney to explain why any of them should be allowed to stand at our country's helm in these rough waters, but it is time for the people of this country to require it of them. In the past, we've failed to hold our leaders truly accountable.

When the Prime Minister feels it is within his right to say that the new contender won't be carrying "his tings" anywhere, the Bahamian people must necessarily retort, "Tell us why you think you'll be carrying our tings anywhere?"

When the leader of the opposition places the blame for our country's current economic condition squarely on the shoulders of the sitting government, the Bahamian people must necessarily inquire, "How does your partisan rhetoric square with the reality of a global economic downturn, and what exactly would you do differently?"

When the dewy political newcomer promises change and hope, the Bahamian people must necessarily interrogate - "How do you intend to deliver given the greenness of you and your party -- a hastily stitched together team of entrants -- and what can you offer that will change the game?"

And, when the only difference between the various parties seem to be colour scheme and personality, aren't we really choosing between parties intent on steering us basically down the same path, perhaps some more vigorously than others?

To echo a ghost from the Bahamian political past, and referencing Hughes' book yet again, in 1971 the youthful Vanguard Nationalist and Socialist Party (VNSP) wrote of the PLP, "The lack of a basic and coherent political philosophy ...has been a major factor in its failure ...to correct the abuses of Bahamian society by the wealthy few, to create genuine political and economic opportunity."

When it comes to politics, in the same way the media and the electorate have remained seemingly unchanged decades later, I would argue that the charge levied against the PLP in 1971 is true of all our political parties today. You may not like the source but they had a point then and they have point now.

What we have here is not a failure to communicate but a history of neglect concerning the Bahamian political consciousness by the Bahamian political elite -- neglect that, in the end, benefits them. It's time we do something differently.

They say a people deserves its leaders. If that is true, it begs the question, what kind of a people are we?

Post-1973 Bahamians have often shown themselves to be a people divided by frivolous considerations like loyalty to political parties with no clear ideological direction and politicians that are scandal ridden, self-indulgent and entitled.

Because of our inability to unite around holding our political leaders accountable, those whose interests are contrary to the welfare of the Bahamian working and middle classes often succeed in having those interests met.

I hate to use polemical and loaded phrases like "ruling class" and "foreign interests," but as Bahamians battle each other over an ever-widening terrain, even on virtual socialscapes like Facebook, it is the Bahamian bourgeoisie, the ruling class, and foreign interests that benefit from this distraction.

Our leaders should be the ones fighting -- warring for our trust and confidence, crusading for our well-being. Until we demand that our government and the opposition speak to their value outside of the comfortable, staged events of political rallies and the "Real Politicians of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas" docudrama that is our parliament proceedings (divas, cat fights and all), those of us who the government should serve -- the people -- will find ourselves left fighting over whatever gets tossed our way. And sadly, at this moment, there's not much to go around.

Joey Gaskins is a graduate of Ithaca College, Ithaca, NY with a BA in Politics. He was born in Grand Bahama and is currently studying at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) where he has attained his MSc in Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies and has begun a Doctoral Degree in Sociology. Joey also writes for the Bahamas Weekly and the Nassau Liberal.

December 30, 2011

tribune242

Thursday, December 15, 2011

...it is now open season for all aspiring politicians and political organizations in The Bahamas

Election fever is upon us


By CFAL Economic view



Once again, election fever is upon us.  With the report of the boundaries commission having been approved by Parliament, it is now open season for all aspiring politicians and political organizations.  While the actual date of the next general election is not known, it is clear that the respective machineries of the political parties are gearing up to launch in early January.

We refer to this period leading up to the general election as the ‘silly season’.  While this may to some seem unfair and even unpatriotic, we stand by our position, as normally very intelligent people take this opportunity (during the silly season) to publicly make irrational and unfortunate public utterances.  The silly season brings out the best and the worst in our aspiring public officials.  At the end of the day, 38 Members of Parliament will take their seats in the hallowed halls of Parliament.  Constitutionally, the person commanding the support of the majority of members (at least 20) will ascend to the office of prime minister.

While we eagerly look forward to the publication of the official documents of the respective parties (manifesto, covenant or whatever), they only represent articulations of visions for the next five years.  We would like to see the major political parties take this process to the next level by tackling long-term fundamental issues and committing resources to developing positions for the next 10-15 years.  It is not until we start thinking beyond tomorrow that we can successfully position our country to compete effectively in the global arena.

The real purpose of this article is not to talk about who will win and who will not; but rather to focus on the various implications for the economy – both short-term and long-term.  Our economy has been challenged, as has been most of the world, during these tough economic times.  We have been down-graded recently and unless we put in place measures to mitigate our declining economic fortunes we will be downgraded again, which would have serious implications for us and our currency.

Many of us are experiencing a slowdown in business activity; some of us have already experienced reduced work weeks and/or layoffs; and finally, there are some employers just waiting for the passage of the Christmas season to drastically reduce costs.  Politicians need to think ‘out of the box’ for the long-term benefit of the country.

We know that within the next six months we must have a general election.  In a small country like The Bahamas, election spending can (and most likely will) provide a significant short–term infusion of money into our economy.  There will be at least 100 constituency offices opened and staffed; there will be the employment of ‘generals’ in every constituency; there will be significant amounts spent on advertising, public rallies, signage, printed materials, clothing items such as T-shirts and caps, transportation and hand-outs.  Add to this the normally scheduled ongoing public works programs.  We could have a short-term injection of millions of dollars into the economy starting almost immediately.  While it may seem that there is a lot of activity, and exciting projects waiting to break ground, we must not be deluded and remain focused on the big picture, which is the future of our economy.

If we had a wish list for the incoming administration, we would like to see in the financial sector specifically and otherwise:

• Good Governance – We call for the establishment and publication of a set of guidelines for the conduct of public officials (parliamentarians and senior government officials) governing their relationships with goods and services providers in order to improve transparency and to avoid charges of misconduct.

• A Council of Economic Advisors – The Council of Economic Advisers, an agency within the executive Office of the Prime Minister, is charged with offering the prime minister objective economic advice on the formulation of both domestic and international economic policy.  The council bases its recommendations and analysis on economic research and empirical evidence, using the best data available to support the prime minister in setting our nation's economic policy.

• Accountability – We would like to see major policy decisions of a fundamental nature regarding issues such as the use of government land, the disposal of government assets, constitutional changes, economic policy, introduction of legislation impacting the conduct of business and immigration policies subject to open public debate, providing for full participation by the public.

• Privatization and outsourcing – It is imperative that we complete this process for the overall competitiveness of our economy – that is, BEC, Water and Sewerage, Bahamasair, ZNS, etc.  Garbage collection, building maintenance, janitorial services, etc, could be outsourced.

• Consolidation of regulatory authority – It is possible that several regulators could regulate an institution concurrently.  To make matters worse, these multiple regulators do not seem to communicate with each other.  Wouldn’t it be wonderful if some of these regulators would cross-reference certain basic information?

• Level playing field – We still see inconsistencies in the application of some rules and regulations that make you question the system.  Also, we as a nation must recognize that Bahamian professionals can be just as competent as their foreign counterparts, if given the opportunity.

• Pension fund legislation – We have called for the enactment of such legislation on numerous occasions.

• Public dialogue on tax reform – As a country we cannot continue to apply the 1960s taxation model to manage our economy.  Once we attain full membership into the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) much will change.  Our participation in these arrangements is advanced and we should not have to wake up one morning to face these changes and challenges unexpectedly.

• Public dialogue on catastrophe insurance

• Consumer protection legislation

There is a need to introduce legislation, particularly in financial services, that addresses truth in lending; increased transparency for trade and services contacts; and an office to settle disputes between small consumers and large service providers.

While there are numerous other equally pressing items that could be added to our list, we will stop here.  We are convinced that placing attention on these items will go a long way towards positioning The Bahamas as a competitive player in this brave new global world that we are entering.

We are living in interesting times.

Dec 14, 2011

thenassauguardian

Sunday, October 30, 2011

The marriage of politics and crime in The Bahamas is a long standing one shrouded in silence

Gangster’s Paradise Part 1


By Ian G. Strachan


Crime and the political class


There is no greater problem facing The Bahamas, as far as the average Bahamian is concerned, than violent crime.  Unfortunately, violent crime is itself merely a manifestation, a symptom of deeper problems, troubling weaknesses in our systems, institutions, communities, families, psyches.  Some of the weaknesses are beyond our control – such as our size, our geographical fragmentation and proximity to the largest consumer society in the world.  Others exist because of our own neglect, incompetence, complicity, fear and ignorance.

It seems sometimes as if we want with all our hearts to do away with the shameful symptoms of our disease: Murder, rape, armed robbery, as if these were ugly, painful lesions on a pretty face, but we have no matching zeal to cure ourselves of the disease that lurks deep within, creating these conspicuous eruptions.

Over the next few weeks we will explore the vexing matter of crime in The Bahamas.  We will try to be guided by the research and considered thoughts of those who have already dedicated time and effort to these problems (because I have no interest in re-inventing the wheel).


Where we are


First, let us put our current situation in The Bahamas in perspective – regional perspective.  Here, we are alarmed at our murder rate.  I don’t wish to say that the alarm is misplaced, but I’d like to look at the murder rate for a moment as a regional phenomenon.  Where do we stack up?  In 2010, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Trinidad and Tobago had 472 murders or 35 per 100,000 people.  The Dominican Republic had 2,472 murders or 24 per 100,000.  St. Lucia had 44 or 25.2 per 100,000.  Puerto Rico had 983 murders or 26 per 100,000.  Jamaica had 1,428 or 52 per 100,000; Dominica 15 or 22 per 100,000 and The Bahamas 96, or 28 per 100,000 people.  (Police now say we only had 94 in 2010.)

The Caribbean nation most like our own demographically and historically, Barbados, had 31 murders in 2010.  By comparison, the U.S. had five murders per 100,000 people, Canada had 1.8 per 100,000 people, Japan and Singapore had 0.5 murders per 100,000 people and Germany 0.8 per 100,000.  You can see then that as a region we are recording very high murder rates compared to the industrialized countries.  In fact, the Caribbean has many of the highest murder rates in the world.  I could not find murder rates higher than The Bahamas’ anywhere outside of the Caribbean, Africa and Latin America.  Before this series is done I shall have discussed that phenomenon with some of our criminologists and sociologists.

Crime is much, much broader than murder, as we know, but murder captures everyone’s attention because it is the most serious, most shocking of crimes.  A 2007 World Bank report on crime and its impact on development in the Caribbean noted that: “The high rates of crime and violence in the region have both direct effects on human welfare in the short-run and longer run effects on economic growth and social development.”

That should sober us.  Crime and violence have deep seated economic impacts.  The report also noted that “the strongest explanation for the relatively high rates of crime and violence rates in the region – and their apparent rise in recent years – is narcotics trafficking.”

The drug trade drives crime in a number of ways: Through violence tied to trafficking, by normalizing illegal behavior, by diverting criminal justice resources from other activities, by provoking property crime related to addiction, by contributing to the widespread availability of firearms, and by undermining and corrupting societal institutions.

Perhaps most importantly, the report warned that in trying to reduce crime, violent crime especially, “There is no one ‘ideal’ approach.  The common denominator is that successful interventions are evidence-based, starting with a clear diagnostic about types of violence and risk factors, and ending with a careful evaluation of the intervention’s impact which will inform future actions.”


Whose side are the legislators on?


Over the next few weeks we’ll discuss a variety of crime fighting strategies available to us in this country.  But I wish to begin by discussing the role lawmakers and aspiring lawmakers have played in sanctioning, enabling and rewarding criminality in this country.  To put it bluntly, our politicians must choose sides: Either they are on the side of those who are accused of committing crimes or they are on the side of the rest of society.  They should no longer be able to have it both ways.  What do I mean?

We have sitting members of our Parliament and men aspiring to sit there, who have represented and continue to represent, accused drug dealers, accused rapists, accused operators of illegal gambling houses, accused murderers.  I distinctly remember interviewing a very accomplished politician once, a man at the center of many of the nation’s most important political events of the last 50 years.  This gentleman boasted to me of the number of accused murderers he had gotten off (it was close to 30 if I recall correctly).  His intention was to convince me of his legal prowess.  Instead I was chilled at the thought that this legislator, this champion of our democratic achievements, had also possibly had a hand in freeing nearly 30 cold-blooded murderers.  Someone’s got to do that job; I understand that.  But I cannot accept that it must be my elected representatives.

I have mentioned on a number of occasions the troubling fact that the Member for Cat Island, Rum Cay and San Salvador, and now deputy leader of the PLP, Philip “Brave” Davis, was the lawyer for the most wanted drug trafficker in this country, Samuel “Ninety” Knowles.  But Davis is not special, nor is he unique.  We simply happen to remember the name of his most famous client.  What about Carl Bethel, Desmond Bannister, Dion Foulkes, Alfred Sears, Glenys Hanna-Martin, Branville McCartney, Damien Gomez, Allyson Maynard-Gibson and Wayne Munroe?  Who have they defended over the course of their careers?  How many people accused of violent crime, or of brazenly flouting our laws, have they defended for a handsome fee?

These men and women will no doubt defend themselves by insisting they are not doing anything that is contrary to the rules of our Westminster system.  They will no doubt ask why they should be singled out and denied a living while physicians, accountants, engineers, businessmen are allowed to conduct their affairs and are subject to no such criticism if they serve or aspire to serve in Parliament.

I believe all MPs should be full time and should not be allowed to work for anybody else while they serve the people, first of all.  But that aside, the practice of law must in my view be treated differently, since the business of the parliamentarian is to create laws.  Doctors make a living making people sick (they’re not supposed to anyway).  But the criminal defense attorney makes a living helping men and women evade punishment who are, in the considered opinion of police, guilty of violent crimes.  I repeat:  Someone’s got to do it.  But if you do, how dare you then ask me to make you attorney general, or minister of this or that, or member of Parliament.  And how dare you give speeches about how you feel for suffering victims.  What kind of country is this?

What is the message you send to the street thug, the murderer, the drug lord, the rapist, the arm marauder, or to the impressionable admirer of such people, or to the victims of such people, when you choose to represent them before the courts and potentially help guilty men escape justice – not just before you run for political office, but while you hold such an office?  Yes, we are all innocent until proven guilty, but with 1,000 lawyers, I think it is safe to say that criminals won’t have too much trouble finding legal representation.

The 41 men and women who sit in the lower house and those who sit in the Senate should be people who have spent their whole careers defending and building us up, not defending and assisting those who are tearing us down.


The marriage of politics and crime


There’s more.  The marriage of politics and crime is a long standing one shrouded in silence.  Remember the 1967 Commission of Inquiry into the connections between organized crime in the U.S., casinos and the Bahamian government?  Remember the 1984 Commission of Inquiry into drug trafficking and governmental corruption?  How many arrests and incarcerations of Bahamian politicians on charges of corruption have occurred in the last 50 years? What has become of the so-called investigation into the handling of Crown Land for instance?

And what connection has existed between politics and the numbers business?  How far back does that connection go?  To the very heyday of the majority rule struggle?  And how many politicians, FNM and PLP, walk the streets campaigning with accused criminals on bail, or ex-cons or men “known to the police”?  Do their services as campaign generals buy them immunity?  Free legal help?  In the fight against crime, we must strike at the root.  Zero tolerance begins in our own house –  the House in Parliament Square.

Oct 24, 2011

Gangster’s Paradise Part 2

thenassauguardian

Tuesday, July 26, 2011

Bishop Simeon Hall has called on all politicians to resist the temptation of turning the controversial issue of capital punishment into a “political football”

Hall: Capital punishment should not be political football


KRYSTEL ROLLE
Guardian Staff Reporter
thenassauguardian
krystel@nasguard.com



As the national debate on the issue of capital punishment continues, a religious leader has called on all politicians to resist the temptation of turning the controversial issue into a “political football”.

Bishop Simeon Hall’s comments came in a statement yesterday. Hall is the former chairman of the National Advisory Council on Crime (NACC). One of its key recommendations was for the resumption of capital punishment.

Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) Leader Perry Christie declared his party’s support for capital punishment Saturday night and promised to carry out the law if the PLP wins the next general election. Christie was speaking at the PLP’s Eastern Region Constituencies Conclave.

Hall said Bahamians must examine what each party did on the issue while in office rather than the “political rhetoric they espouse” during the pre-election period.

“To be frank, the record shows that both major political parties have been reserved on capital punishment,” said Hall.
No hangings were carried out under the PLP administration led by Christie.

The last time capital punishment was carried out in The Bahamas was on January 6, 2000 when David Mitchell was hanged. Five of the 50 men hanged in The Bahamas since the 1920s were hanged under the FNM between 1997 and 2002; 13 were hanged during the 25-year rule of the late Sir Lynden Pindling; and the remaining 32 were executed between 1929 and 1967.

With nearly 80 murders having been recorded already this year, The Bahamas is likely to set a forth murder record in five years this year. Hall called for cross-party efforts to address the crime problem.

“The progress against the criminal mayhem, which presently confronts us, will only take place when a by-partisan national approach is created and executed by all in power,” Hall said.

During the conclave on Saturday, Christie pledged to take bold action to reduce the crime rate in the country if he is re-elected.

“No effort will be spared to restore the safety of our streets and homes,” he said.

“An urgent priority for the next government is the battle against crime. There is fear on our streets.”

In the run-up to the 2007 general election, the Christie Administration was criticized over the crime issue by the Free National Movement, which was in opposition at the time.

Jul 26, 2011

thenassauguardian

Sunday, June 12, 2011

Gangsterism and politics: Bahamian politicians take note of the deadly end result of politics and corruption

Electronic fence needed between gangsterism and politics

tribune242 editorial



ANYONE who has followed the rise and fall of Jamaica's drug kingpin, Christopher "Dudus" Coke, or read KC Samuels' account of Coke's meteoric rise and eventual fall into the arms of a waiting "Uncle Sam", should be grateful that the Bahamas' own drug kingpin, "Ninety" Knowles, was eventually extradited to the US before he had time to consolidate his own growing empire.

By the time Dudus, who was born into a life of crime, had run his course, he was becoming more powerful even than the Jamaican government. However, before his saga is done, what might be revealed during his trial in the US, could well bring down the JLP government of Bruce Golding.

Dudus' father, Jim Brown, who died mysteriously in a fire in his prison cell in Jamaica, was Prime Minister Edward Seaga's man. Brown was a don who could be relied on to deliver the votes from Tivoli Gardens for Seaga's Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). Brown headed the Shower Posse and violence and bloodshed entered Jamaican politics. The politicians and hoodlums were too close for comfort right up to last year when "the President" - Dudus himself - challenged the prime minister, who under pressure had agreed his extradition to the US.

The don of Tivoli, who by this time had taken his father's criminal enterprise and built it into an international empire, was receiving all the Jamaican government's construction contracts, as well as collecting from his international drug-dealing enterprises. Over time he had built himself such a strong outpost that by the time the US government targeted him, he had an armed force ready to challenge his arrest. The residents of Tivoli barricaded themselves in to protect their don and opened fire on the forces sent to arrest him. By the time the armed forces had quelled the uprising, 74 Jamaicans, including a police officer, were dead, but Dudus was still on the run.

For more than a month Dudus eluded the authorities. When he was eventually caught, disguised in a woman's wig, he waived his rights and agreed to be extradited to the US to face drugs and weapons charges.

Tivoli Gardens was former prime minister Edward Seaga's stronghold. Seaga took care of the residents. Dudus, taking on his father's mantle as head of the Posse, pushed the prime minister's care and protection of Tivoli residents to a new level.

Dudus had two faces. To the people of Tivoli and all those who paid him homage he was a good man, a generous man, a man without blemish. However, to others he was a gangster, a crook, a drug and gun peddler - a threat to society. The Americans described him as a dangerous narcotics kingpin.

Golding's government fought the extradition request. Golding explained that the attorney general and justice minister had refrained from signing Dudus' extradition because the evidence as outlined by the US was obtained illegally. Eventually an embarrassed Golding, with calls for his resignation echoing in his ears, apologised and signed.

Here in the Bahamas, employing every delaying tactic in the courts, "Ninety" Knowles from his jail cell in Fox Hill prison, held the Americans at bay for six years. President George Bush had personally labeled him an international narcotics kingpin under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpins Designation Act. He was described as the head of a multinational drug organization and in the US was found guilty of drug conspiracy and sentenced to 28 years in a Florida prison. The jury recommended that his US$19.5 million in assets be forfeited to the US government.

However, Knowles' extradition created a furor in Nassau, and even drew out placard-carrying demonstrators when then foreign affairs minister Fred Mitchell signed a warrant of surrender before Knowles had exhausted his legal appeals. The Court of Appeal recorded its "serious concern" at the manner that Knowles had been removed from the Bahamas.

However, legally right or wrong, it was the best decision for the Bahamas. Already Knowles, like Dudus, was building his little empire of supporters. He was generous with his ill-gotten gains, which he distributed liberally among the poor.

According to Wikileaks, a US diplomat wrote in November 2006 that Knowles' extradition would lead to the "withdrawal of an important source of election funding." Yes, Knowles was a menace to society.

But as Samuels concluded in his book "Jamaica's first President - Dudus, 1992-2010" -- "What needs to be realised here even more than anything else, is the deadly end result of politics and corruption. Duduses are a dime a dozen, hundreds have been born since he was extradited. He was not the first and he won't be the last to face such a fate, and therein again is the problem -- because if Jamaica is to move forward as a nation, and his type of behaviour is to be confined to the pages of history, then the line between gangsterism and politics must become an electronic fence."

Bahamian politicians take note.

Friday, June 10, 2011

tribune242 editorial

Monday, June 6, 2011

It is now time for Bahamian politicians to take note... Remember one is judged by the "friends" one keeps... Distance yourselves from known criminals in the run up to the 2012 general election

Don't make the criminal your bedfellow

tribune242 editorial



LAST WEEK Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham gave politicians on all sides of the political divide sound advice: Distance yourselves from known criminals in the run up to the 2012 general election, he said.

Every five years, the sewers of humanity disgorge disreputables seen only at election time. Suddenly from being Nobodies, they assume airs of Somebodies. Strangely, like bees to honey, they are always seen crawling around election headquarters and rubbing elbows cosily with politicians. They seem to have an inbuilt radar as to which party has the most funds to disperse -- and there they are ready for any task, be it underhand or legitimate -- as long as the upended palms are suitably greased.

Mr Ingraham has said that although he knows that both political parties want to win the next election, keeping company with lawbreakers to gain votes is a practice that should be stopped.

Opposition Leader Perry Christie had his own embarrassing moments during his election campaign when a known drug dealer at Eleuthera boasted that it was he who had paid for all the PLP election paraphernalia for the rally that particular night, and organised the motorcade leading up to the rally. In the background we heard mutterings from supporters that this man of dubious repute was the only man who had Mr Christie's ear and knew of his plans while at the island. Apparently, if reports were to be believed, even the noses of Mr Christie's generals were out of joint.

Also over time -- ever since the drug years of the seventies/eighties -- drug dealers have aligned themselves with the PLP and come away with the erroneous belief -- at least it was erroneous by the time Mr Christie headed the party -- that the PLP was their party under whose umbrella they could expect protection. Tribune reporters often heard during the 2002 election campaign, especially at Eleuthera, that the drug dealers had their fast boats ready to get back into the trade as soon as the PLP won the election. Mr Christie later made it clear that it certainly was not going to happen under his watch.

The FNM also had a nasty scrape during the seventies in the Barry Major murder case -- known as the Perpall Tract murder -- November 17, 1970. The late Sir Lynden Pindling read a statement to the House, mysteriously given 11 years after the murder by someone close to the event who suddenly had total recall of what he remembered being told at the time of the murder. He alleged that Major had tried to "blackmail the chief" -- the late Sir Cecil Wallace-Whitfield -- and Mr Whitfield had given "the boys" the go ahead to "fix him up." Major was shot, and the election mayhem that was started by the PLP with their "goon squads" at election time in the late sixties, continuing into the seventies was all blamed on the FNM. According to the informant, after the murder, Wendell "Red" Burrows, who two years later was hanged for the crime, was given $15,000 to $20,000 to disappear in the US until things quieted down on the home front. In the meantime "the organisation continued and we kept up with our criminal acts of burning and the like," said the questionable informant, who at the time claimed he was FNM.

One day about that time one of "the boys" came to The Tribune trying to get us to publish what Sir Lynden eventually had to do himself from the floor of the House. They admitted that Sir Lynden had sent the information. Sir Lynden obviously wanted clean hands. He wanted The Tribune, as part of its investigative reporting, to publish what eventually he had to read himself in the House. We refused and quickly showed the criminals the door. We felt that if Sir Lynden wanted a smear campaign it was his to handle.

The Tribune never believed a word of what was said in that statement as we saw the plot building behind the scenes from the day of the murder. This was a case of politicians getting too close to criminals and being destroyed by that contact.

Supt. John Crawley, a respected police officer, had investigated the murder of Barry Major. The day after the murder he told us that it was a simple case of a drug deal gone wrong. To the end he maintained that it was not political and that no politicians were involved. However, during the election of that year Major hung around Sir Cecil's election headquarters. His death was turned into a political fiasco, and Sir Cecil was smeared by association. It was a convenient turn of events at the time because the heat was on the PLP for all the criminal mayhem created by their "goons" a few years earlier. The murder of Barry Major was a convenient way of turning the tables on the FNM.

One only has to look at the precarious position the Jamaican government is now in with the politicians and the gangsters being perceived as a team for so long that eventually the day came when "the President"- Christopher "Dudus" Coke, now in a US federal prison on drug charges -- almost became more powerful than the Jamaican government and its prime minister. When all the evidence is out in this case the reputation of Bruce Golding's government will probably be in tatters. Former Jamaican prime minister Edward Seaga, when asked after his government was defeated at the polls, what he most regretted during his administration admitted that leading the funeral procession of strong man Jim Brown was his biggest mistake. Jim Brown, father of "Dudus," headed the Shower Posse gangsters and was don of Tivoli Gardens. Dudus inherited his father's fiefdom and developed the criminal enterprise to such heights that in the end the US was demanding his extradition as the "world's most dangerous drug dealer."

It is now time for Bahamian politicians to take note. Remember one is judged by the "friends" one keeps.

June 06, 2011

tribune242 editorial

Friday, May 6, 2011

WORKERS' Party leader Rodney Moncur says: ...the memorandum of understanding signed between the National Development Party (NDP) and the Workers' Party (WP) late last year establishing an alliance for the next general election, had been broken

Worker's party leader 'shocked' by NDP members move to the PLP


By TANEKA THOMPSON
Tribune Staff Reporter
tthompson@tribunemedia.net



WORKERS' Party leader Rodney Moncur called an emergency party meeting last night after being "shocked" by news that ten executive members of the National Development Party left for the Progressive Liberal Party.

Mr Moncur said the memorandum of understanding, signed between the NDP and the Workers' Party late last year establishing an alliance for the next general election, had been broken.

For weeks the NDP had been in discussions with Bamboo Town MP Branville McCartney about possibly joining his newly formed Democratic National Alliance. The NDP was expected to soon make an announcement of their alliance with Mr McCartney's party but yesterday aligned with the official opposition in a surprising move.

Yesterday Mr Moncur said it appears as if the country's politicians were thrown into a tailspin by Mr McCartney's new party and view DNA as a real threat.

Development

"We've convened an emergency meeting of the central committee of the Workers' Party for tonight to discuss this new development. It is shocking because (Renward) Wells did not inform me of their decision however I received intelligence very early this morning that they were going to make the move," said Mr Moncur, telling The Tribune that Mr Wells confirmed this to him on Facebook before announcing it at a press conference yesterday.

He added that unlike former NDP leader Renward Wells, and the nine others who left with him, the Workers' Party will not give up the third party fight and "abandon" Bamboo Town MP Branville McCartney and newly formed Democratic National Alliance.

"We shall not be like our allies and abandon Branville McCartney and the DNA," added the social activist and former candidate in the Elizabeth by-election. "We have heard what Bran McCartney and the DNA are offering to the Bahamian people and we are excited by it.

"I'm extremely disappointed that Wells could not stand on philosophical grounds and that he has allowed himself to succumb to filthy (politics). . .it's a bad political decision and he's on the wrong track. We shall support Branville McCartney and DNA and the only way we don't support him is if he say he ain' want us.

"We were encouraging the NDP to go into the DNA, we were in the background pushing them and telling them whatever the political plums that the PLP and FNM is offering its not worth it."
Yesterday Mr Wells, former NDP hopeful for Clifton constituency Latore Mackey and eight other executive council members announced they had joined the PLP.

A few NDP members were against the move and will carry on the party's name.

Messrs Wells and Mackey said the philosophy of PLP leader Perry Christie and the party's interest in change and young blood spurred them to cross party lines.

The move comes a few weeks after the NDP said it had heard the nation's cry for a viable alternative to the PLP and the Free National Movement, parties that have been heavily criticised by the NDP.

"We believe that it is high time for another party, other than the PLP or the FNM.

"It is absolutely the right time to do it," Mr Wells told The Tribune in March.

Thursday, May 5, 2011

Branville McCartney and his Democratic National Alliance (DNA) party will have a lot of competition this election season...

Politicians Dismiss DNA

By ROGAN SMITH
jonesbahamas



After Bamboo Town MP Branville McCartney quit the Free National Movement (FNM) he had one goal in mind – forming a party to challenge both the FNM and the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP), but according to a politician whose organisation declined an invitation to join Mr. McCartney’s new party, he was not "equipped" to do so.

Omar Smith, along with Cassius Stuart, recently dissolved their party, the Bahamas Democratic Movement (BDM) to join the FNM. They took their members along with them.

The men, who served as deputy leader and leader respectively, had been in talks with Mr. McCartney after he quit the FNM several months ago to become an independent MP.

Mr. McCartney was also in talks with the leaders of several other third parties trying to woo them to join his party.

However, the Bahama Journal recently reported that many of those leaders did not take his party seriously.

Mr. Smith explained why he chose not to team up with Mr. McCartney.

"When Mr. McCartney asked to speak with us – and we were more than willing to speak to anyone who was interested in national development – at that time he came to us and he said that he wanted us to join him. At that time I don’t think he was equipped, he didn’t have an organisation and he hasn’t put out a philosophy of what he wants to do," Mr. Smith said.

"I was curious to find out. I asked him and he didn’t have [a philosophy]. All he represented to me is that he wanted to challenge the PLP and the FNM and that wasn’t enough information. So, I wish him well, as I wish any young person who wants to do what he believes in. I think I have a little bit more experience in third parties than he has, but I wish him well and I wish him luck."

Mr. Smith was a guest on the Love 97 talk show, Issues of the Day with host, Algernon Allen yesterday.

When the BDM set out more than a decade ago, it sought to become a viable alternative to the two major political parties. But, the party failed to make waves on the political scene.

In fact, it has contested three elections since it was formed, but has failed to win any seat.

"After we were unsuccessful in three elections [2002, 2007 and the 2010 by-election] and after going door to door in so many constituencies and having people say that they supported what we were doing . . . [we realised that] there’s a different dynamic at work here. Bahamians want to make sure that their vote counts," he said.

"If they are under the impression that your organisation does not have the possibility of winning, or they don’t think you have the possibility of winning that particular seat, they will make sure that their second option gets there."

He continued, "I can still remember going up to these houses where I know these families were once PLP or FNM and they [said they] supported what we were doing. But, when they got to the poll they would say ‘Omar, listen I support what you’re doing, believe me, we support you, but we got to make sure that they don’t come in, we’ve got to keep them out’."

Mr. McCartney and his party will have a lot of competition this election season as there are several other third parties vying for a chance to become the government.

Attorney Paul Moss, activist Rodney Moncur and former journalist Ali McIntosh all have their own political parties.

"I want to encourage all of those people who believe in a cause and believe in certain principles that they’d like see come to fruition to go out there and advocate and push, however, when you look at the lay of the land and look at the reality of Bahamian politics you will come to realise that it is very very difficult to make those inroads," Mr. Smith said.

"There are certain resources that must come to bear for you to have an opportunity to make that leap into parliament. While I wish them well, I think the reality is going to be something different."

During his talk show appearance, Mr. Smith was berated by a number of callers, who suggested he was a hypocrite for becoming a part of an organisation that he had heavily criticised for more than a decade.

The callers noted that Mr. Smith and the BDM were especially tough on FNM Leader and Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham.

But, he said, "If I’m in opposition to you it’s not my job to point out your strengths even though sometimes I did give credit where credit was due. It is not my position to build you up. It’s not my position to say the things that you are doing [well] for the most part. It is my position to critique you and say what you are doing wrong and say how they should be done. That is the way the process works," he said.

Mr. Smith said the FNM has given him and several of the new members assurances that they would be considered for seats and positions within the party.

"There are members outside of Mr. Stuart and myself who are frontrunners for constituencies for the next election. There’s a process within the organisation and I’m familiarising myself with the process and the members of our organisation have been received so well by the FNM and the branches," he said.

Mr. Smith says he is already campaigning.

May 4th, 2011

jonesbahamas

Friday, April 22, 2011

Bahamian politics, politicians, pundits, pollsters, strange bedfellows and the next general election in The Bahamas

Politicians, pundits and pollsters

By Philip C. Galanis





With slightly more than one year, at most, before the general election must be called, the political temperature is already rising. In February this year, Dr. Andre Rollins resigned from the NDP, the political party he helped to create, and joined the PLP. He was quickly nominated to be the latter's standard bearer in the Fort Charlotte constituency.

In March, Branville McCartney, the FNM Member of Parliament for Bamboo Town, resigned from the governing Party and announced that his newly formed Democratic National Alliance (DNA) will contest the next elections with a full slate of candidates.

Not to be outdone or upstaged by Christie's PLP or Bran's DNA, last week Prime Minister Ingraham, with great fanfare and flanked by fellow-ministers and followers, welcomed Cassius Stuart, the Leader of the Bahamas Democratic Party, along with virtually his entire disbanded decade-old organization, into the Free National Movement. And let us not forget that one of the dailies predicted the imminent demise of the National Democratic Party, given the dissatisfaction with several of its leaders and disaffection from its ranks.

Meanwhile some Bahamian political spectators are virtually salivating in exuberant excitement and eager expectation to see which other veteran and wannabe politicians will be co-opted and who will defect from their current positions as this political ballet is choreographed and performed on the political stage. Perhaps as never before will the adage that "politics makes strange bedfellows" be corroborated as a truism in Bahamian politics — for the next few months, in any event.

Therefore this week, we would like to Consider This...what are we to make of the recent developments that have evoked such excitement on the domestic political landscape and what part do the pundits and pollsters play in this ever-growing drama we call Bahamian politics?

Politicians

It has become very clear that some of the recent novices and veterans in the political arena have now realized that they will continue to be marginalized by remaining on the periphery of the real political stage, outside the organizational mainstream of the two behemoths that are the PLP and the FNM. Accordingly, Dr. Andre Rollins and Cassius Stuart — along with almost his entire party — have determined to hitch their political fortunes to the major parties.

A frequently asked question regarding such political vacillations is whether those persons are really interested in improving the things that they have articulated to be wrong with both the country and the major political parties that up to one year ago they vehemently opposed, or are they more interested in their own political elevation and personal aggrandizement? Although Bran McCartney has taken a very different course, some will put the same question to him. Just how true they remain to their principles and fundamental positions will become more apparent in the fullness of time.

Pundits

The term "pundit" normally refers to one who regards himself as an expert in a particular subject and who offers his opinion or commentary to the public on that subject. Punditry has been applied to political analysis, the social sciences and sports. Traditionally, political pundits would include radio and television talk show hosts and their guests who are generally knowledgeable in such matters. Pundits also include newspaper and magazine columnists, most of whom, with the exception of the Scribe and Front Porch by Simon (both pseudonyms), have the courage of their convictions to identify themselves and stand by their positions, whether the public perceives their positions to be right, wrong or indifferent.

Pundits are often not necessarily scientific in their approach to political analysis, relying more on their intuition, a sixth sense, if you will, a historical frame of reference and even on their personal experience to explain the vicissitude of politics.

In a general sense, however, many Bahamians think of themselves as political pundits and equally possessed of the qualities that characterize those who more traditionally fit the definition. Virtually every Bahamian has a political opinion. Because Bahamians are generally well-informed on partisan and national issues, extremely interested in the body politic and politically astute, they are as eager to express their views as they are prepared to criticize or support government and opposition policies and decisions. And that is very healthy for our polity.

Pollsters

Pollsters on the other hand, as compared to pundits, attempt to provide a degree of scientific sophistry to political developments and issues of the day. An effective pollster will have a good understanding of mathematical and statistical methods to analyze and interpret events and to forecast outcomes. In short, pollsters have mastered the art that many politicians so often fail at. They actually ask people what they think about an issue, a policy or a national decision. Then they summarize the answers to the questions that they ask and present their findings based on what people actually think.

Some people are skeptical of pollsters, often objecting to the validity of the answers garnered from the poll, because the "doubting Thomases" question the veracity of persons whom they poll. It has often been suggested that Bahamians will provide the answers that they think the pollster is seeking rather than the truth of how the person polled actually feels.

However, there are techniques for pollsters to filter answers in order to arrive at a consensus position of persons who are polled. Furthermore, although polling in The Bahamas is a relatively new discipline, the politician who prefers to rely exclusively on his intuition or the “expertise” of the pundits do so at their peril. The fact of the matter is that politics has become more scientific in assessing public opinion and sentiment and polling has proven to be a very useful tool to accomplish that task.

Just this past week, the relatively new Bahamian market research firm, Public Domain, headed by Mwale Rahming, released the results of a poll that his firm conducted between February 16 and March 11, 2011. Public Domain indicated that 402 persons were polled, weighted by region, age and gender, in order to ensure that the population represented a good cross-section of the Bahamian adult population. The poll represented a five percent margin of error which is quite acceptable for such an exercise.

To the question: "If the election was held today, which party would you vote for?" the results were reminiscent of the Elizabeth bye-election. The respondents indicated that 28 percent would vote for the PLP and 25 percent for the FNM. What is even more revealing about that poll is that 21 percent indicated that they would vote for a third, unbranded party and 26 percent were undecided. The conclusion of that poll is that 47 percent, nearly one-half of the respondents, did not have an appetite for either the PLP or the FNM. The conclusion can be drawn from this is that there is a very large percentage of disaffected voters who are not happy with the two major parties. This confirms the perceptions of many political pundits.

Secondly, the respondents were asked "How satisfied are you with the current government led by Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham?" The response was that 14 percent were very satisfied, 35 percent were somewhat satisfied for a total of 49 percent who were generally satisfied with the current government. Equally revealing was the conclusion that 21 percent were somewhat dissatisfied and another 25 percent were very dissatisfied for a total dissatisfaction rating of 46 percent. The remaining four percent did not know. This is very interesting when one considers how close today’s figures are to the percentage of voters who actually voted FNM in the last general election, nearly 49.82 percent, as compared to those who didn’t vote FNM but voted PLP, which was 46.98 percent.

Finally, to the question: "If a third political party presented a full slate of andidates with a mix of veteran and new candidates, how likely would you be to vote for this third party?" the responses were astounding. The response was that 32 percent were very likely to do so, 25 percent were somewhat likely to do so, for a total of 57 percent who said that they were likely to vote for a third party. In addition, 11 percent were not very likely to do so, while another 21 percent were not likely at all to vote for a third party, rendering a total of 32 percent who would not likely to vote for a third party. The remaining 11 percent did not know.

These poll results should give both the PLP and the FNM reason to be concerned about voter sentiment at this particular point in time and should also be very encouraging to Branville McCartney who, when this poll was conducted, had not yet announced that he would form a political party and that he would present a full slate of candidates in the upcoming elections.

Conclusion

We have always maintained that the next general election will be a close, fiercely contested and combative conflict. It is clear that politicians must fully understand the political landscape. The pundits will have much to talk and write about as the "silly season" unfolds, sharing their considered opinions and gut feelings with all and sundry. Finally, the pollsters will have an increasingly important role to play as they investigate and measure the actual feelings of voters, unraveling the variables and vicissitudes that will contribute to the success of the victor and failure of the vanquished in the next general election, whenever it is called.

Philip C. Galanis is the managing partner of HLB Galanis & Co., Chartered Accountants, Forensic & Litigation Support Services. He served 15 years in Parliament. Please send your comments to pgalanis@gmail.com.

4/17/2011

thenassauguardian