The Bahamas Lack Political Leadership

Bahamians are losing out in their country, The Bahamas

Former Minister of National Security A. Loftus Roker says that The Bahamas need to get serious about its illegal immigration crisis

‘This country lacks leadership’

Roker worried Bahamians increasingly marginalized

By Candia Dames, Executive Editor of The Nassau Guardian

 

Former Minister of National Security A. Loftus Roker, who is still widely known for the tough stance he took against illegal immigration when he was minister responsible for immigration, said yesterday he remains concerned that Bahamians are losing out in their country, and lamented what he said is a lack of political leadership.

“When you have no more country, you see where you can go and claim anything,” said Roker, who was asked his views on the controversy surrounding the release of a large group of Chinese nationals found at the British Colonial Hotel without any legal status in The Bahamas earlier this year.

Minister of Immigration Keith Bell has said it was “unnecessary” to transport them to the Carmichael Road Detention Centre, where individuals found to be in The Bahamas illegally are held.  According to Bell, the “irregularities” found at the work site “were expeditiously cured by the employer”.

Roker warned, “All I say is one day Bahamians will find we don’t have our own country.  That’s what I’m worried about.

“The country lacks leadership.  Imagine you had dozens of Chinese without work permits here.  How the hell did they get here? … How did we allow them to land?  We trying to fool ourselves.  We don’t have any leadership.  If you had leadership, you’d know what’s going on.  But what we are doing is keep postponing our problems.  That’s what we’re doing.”

Details surrounding how the Chinese nationals got in The Bahamas and whether they still are currently in country are unknown as Bell nor any other authority has yet to thoroughly explain the matter.

Meanwhile, it is understood that in Progressive Liberal Party circles there is widespread concern over the political impact the controversy ensnaring the immigration minister could have.

Roker wished not to comment directly on a statement made by Director of Immigration Keturah Ferguson in a correspondence to Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Labour and Immigration Cecilia Strachan that “it also appears that the expatriate has more rights in The Bahamas than Bahamians”, but he said, “One thing for sure, we don’t believe in Bahamians.  Anybody else better than us.  All I’m saying is we lack leadership.”

Ferguson’s correspondence was sent a day after the Chinese were ordered released not long after the immigration exercise was conducted.

As reported in the media on Monday, Ferguson said in her correspondence that immigration officials received a directive from Bell to have the immigration officers stand down on the operation and that any breach will be remedied the following day.

Even as the firestorm over the immigration matter – including Bell’s swearing in of a family as citizens of The Bahamas during a funeral service last month – builds, Prime Minister Philip Davis has remained silent, with his office saying only that the facts are being gathered in respect of the various immigration issues at hand.

Meanwhile, a purported report to an immigration superior from the immigration officer who oversaw the January 17 exercise at the British Colonial was circulated on social media yesterday.

According to the document, only three of the 65 Chinese nationals found at the hotel were able to produce passports or identification for immigration officials, while all others claimed they had no passports in their possession and were unable to contact the people who may have them.

“On arrival at the hotel, we observed lighting and clothing hung in the windows of some of the rooms.  Shortly thereafter, we noticed an Asian male in the window of one of the rooms,” the document states.

“Based on this, we approached the security officer and advised him of our suspicions.  The officer attempted to obstruct us from entering the building and checking the status of the individual, therefore, I advised him under extreme caution that I was prepared to arrest him for obstruction and continued the execution of my duties.

“The officer then removed himself from the entrance and I instructed the officers to search the first floor of the building.”

The officer wrote, “In the initial search, the officers reported a total of 10 persons, but, after a more intense search, we were able to gather approximately 65 Chinese nationals.

“All subjects were asked to produce their passports and any other evidence of legal status.  Out of the 65 subjects, only three were able to produce passports or identification.

“All of the others claimed they had no passports in their possession and [were] unable to contact the persons who may have them.”

While he did not delve into the details emerging in relation to the various immigration controversies, Roker said yesterday there’s a need for The Bahamas to get serious about its illegal immigration crisis.

Source 

A. Loftus Roker wants his freedom... ...even if he's starving

The road to freedom

BY CANDIA DAMES
Guardian News Editor
candia@nasguard.com

Even if he’s starving, A. Loftus Roker wants his freedom.

And so, when he attended the December 1972 Constitutional Conference in London, he was determined to stay into the new year, spending Christmas away from home, if necessary.

He was not returning to Nassau without the very thing the delegation had gone for — independence. Prime Minister Lynden Pindling led government members in that delegation, and Kendal Isaacs led the Opposition.

On December 20, 1972, the delegation signed the independence agreement, and on June 26, 1973, the British Parliament enacted the Bahamas Independence Order.

The official date for independence is July 10, 1973 when the Bahamian flag was raised for the first time. 

Roker was one of the signatories to the Bahamian Constitution.

The 40th anniversary of that signing passed quietly last Thursday. 

There was no recognition from the government or anyone publicly.

Roker sat down with The Nassau Guardian on the anniversary of the signing, and reflected on the kind of country we have 40 years later.

He is but a handful of Bahamian constitutional framers still with us.  Roker pointed out that he sat on every committee established to draft a new constitution ahead of independence.

“The real independence occurred when the British agreed for us to get independence,” he said.

“It felt good to me because I believed in freedom and that is what really distresses me because we don’t preserve our freedom.

“We take it for granted; we allow all sorts of things to happen, and I’m talking about leaders on every level — the politician, the preacher, the parents.  We all seem to take too many things for granted.”

The former immigration and national security minister expressed disappointment over the current state of affairs.

After all, it’s not the kind of Bahamas he and other founding fathers had dreamed of when they attended those talks 40 years ago.

But despite the national challenges — and there are many — Roker has no regrets about independence.

“Nothing will cause me to regret independence, nothing,” said Roker, who at 77 still has a quick step and a sharp mind.

“I say I want independence even if I’m starving.  I don’t believe I should be slave to anybody. So even if I’m starving.”

Sitting in his treasure trove of independence papers; other historic documents – many with Sir Lynden’s signature; old newspapers and cherished photographs – many with colleagues and dear friends who have passed on, Roker acknowledged some of the missteps the government made in the years after independence, but also the achievements.

“The Bahamas isn’t where I expected it to be in ‘72 when we signed the document, but I say the fault is all our fault,” he said.

“If I see wrong going on and I say nothing, I am as much at fault as the fellow who is doing the wrong because if I told him he is wrong, maybe he would stop.”

Pointing to one mistake he said the PLP made, Roker said, “We said to people who voted for us that all the jobs in the banks would be available to you. 

“What we didn’t tell them is that the garbage collection also belongs to you.  And so the people got the view that once the PLP came to power, I don’t have to do any dirty work.  I can get an office job.”

Signing
Speaking of the 1972 Constitutional Conference, Roker recalled that the British adjourned the conference for a couple days.

“In the midst of this, the FNM delegation decided that if they don’t leave now they may not get home for Christmas and they signed a blank piece of paper and left us to discuss important matters like citizenship, immigration and all of that.  They left the PLP alone to discuss that,” Roker said.

“I said no matter if they stay until next year, I wasn’t going to move from here.  I came for independence and that’s what I want.  Not one of them was left.

“I said that on the floor of the House a couple times.  They wouldn’t take me up on it.  They just kept quiet.  Now I have a sneaking suspicion that they may have said to Sir Lynden, ‘We’re going, but we’re with you’.”

The Bahamian delegation did not get all it wanted in those negotiations, but it got enough, he recalled.

“If you lived in that time, you would find that the white Bahamians and foreigners who were businessmen here at that time were saying once we get independence, the PLP will take over the courts and all of that, and there will be no justice and we will confiscate their property and all that kind of thing. That’s why the Privy Council was left there as the final court of appeal.

“We kept it because we wanted to give the assurance that we were not trying to run the judiciary, that you had a final court which we couldn’t control. 

“The same thing with the queen.  They saw [independence] as breaking off all connection with Britain, and we will have our own president and we will be dictators.

“That’s why we left the queen there.” 

With all the deficiencies in the constitution, Roker said he does not think it should be “tampered with”.

“If you think about it, if it is decided that anytime you don’t like anything in the constitution you can change it, the constitution would soon mean nothing at all and the young people would feel, that’s only a piece of paper, which it is.  But if you don’t respect that piece of paper [it means nothing].”

Ahead of the 40th anniversary of independence, Prime Minister Perry Christie has appointed a Constitutional Commission, headed by former Attorney General Sean McWeeney.

The Commission is scheduled to report by the end of March 2013 and the government has foreshadowed a referendum before the July observances.

Among other things, that referendum would seek to eliminate clauses from the constitution that discriminate against Bahamian women.

While Roker said he does not think the constitution should be changed, he added that at this stage in his life, he doubted his opinion on the issue really mattered.

Preparation
For A. Loftus Roker, his role in the march toward freedom developed after a years-long focus on a good education.

Born in Delectable Bay, Acklins, to humble parents who were farmers, Roker said his father, Elkin Roker, who also had a fishing boat, saw the importance of a good education early on.

And so, as long as he was interested in staying in school, he could stay in his father’s house and he could eat.

Because studying was more important than learning to farm, Roker said he never really got into farming until about 10 years ago.

He splits his time between Acklins, his first love, and New Providence, where he bought his first home in his early 30s.

Roker came to Nassau at age 18, and it was then that he realized that he and his family were poor in Acklins.

“When I lived in Acklins I didn’t know I was poor.  I never figured that out until I came to Nassau because my parents always taught us to make do with what we have,” he said.

“…Other people believed that because of the way we lived that we also were well off.  But we had hard times too.

“There was no employment in Acklins then, and there is no employment there now.  The only people who are getting a salary are those who work for the government.”

While working at the Bahamas Telecommunications Department’s transmission station at Perpall Tract, he started thinking about a life in politics. 

At age 23, he went to London.  He spent a year doing GCEs.  Then started studying law.

Roker passed his exams in December 1961 and was called to the bar in May 1962.

At the time, there were just a few black lawyers in The Bahamas.

Speaking of The Bahamas all these years later, Roker lamented the blind loyalty many people have toward political parties.

“For some people, the party is more important than God,” he said.

“It’s either right or wrong and if you check my history, I criticized Sir Lynden, who did more for me than any other politician. 

“I criticized anybody when I thought it was necessary, but whenever it was about him, I never criticized him unless I went to him first, privately, and told him what my problem was. 

“When you heard me criticize him, don’t bother go to him and tell him what Roker said because he knew what Roker was saying.  He knew that long before you.”

Hitting out at blind loyalty, Roker said there are crooked PLPs and crooked FNMs.

“There are crooked Bahamians,” said the former immigration and national security minister.

Gambling
These days, Roker leads a very private and quiet existence.

But back in the late 1960s, he was the first chairman of the Gaming Board.

While initially shying away for any current position on gambling, Roker explained why he thinks legalizing gambling for Bahamians would be a negative move for The Bahamas 40 years after independence.

“Part of our campaign in ‘67 was that we were against casino gambling,” he recalled.

“The problem was though once we came to power…we felt we did not know what effect the closure of the casinos would have on tourism.  We didn’t know how many people were coming here to gamble, therefore increasing the count.” 

And so, the Pindling administration allowed the casinos to remain.

“The churches and all that were against the thing.  What happened is we didn’t want gambling and we decided this is a tourist facility and Bahamians should not [gamble], and I supported that,” he said.

“The thinking was that if a tourist came here and gambled and got broke, he’s got a return ticket, put him on the plane and he goes back home.

“If the Bahamian gambles and he goes broke, he has to stay here.  And so he has to borrow from his friends because with gambling you always believe you are going to win on the next [try].”

Roker said if Bahamians are allowed to gamble in casinos, crime would increase “because you don’t win in [the] casino”. 

“The slot machine is the easiest thing to play,” he said.  “For every dollar you put in that slot machine, somebody will win 15 cents.

“Somebody, not necessarily you.  So you realize how profitable that is for the casino?”

Roker suggested it is laughable that the government is now in talks with numbers bosses about possible legalization of their businesses.

“Something is wrong with us,” he said.

“If the law says that that thing is wrong, why are we sitting down with the fellow discussing with him how we’re going to set this thing up.  I just wonder. 

“If he is doing something that is illegal now and is still illegal today because nothing has changed and you know who he is, and perhaps the police are helping him carry his money to the bank so nobody robs him, it’s unbelievable what we have come to in The Bahamas and I am saying there appears to be no law and order in the country.” 

Roker added, “I wouldn’t agree with it, but if they want it that’s alright with me.  And there are other antisocial things too that go on with gambling in casinos.”

Dec 24, 2012

thenassauguardian

Caribbean Blog International

In every way and in every segment of life the Bahamian's value system has certainly changed

The Bahamas' changing value system
tribune242 editorial


WE HAVE had several calls about our editorial of February 11, which for the first time revealed the name of an anonymous letter writer, whose identity excited political circles in 1962, but for 49 years remained a mystery. Today, few people would be interested in our mystery man, but in the political turmoil of the sixties, a British editor was threatened with prison for refusing to reveal his identity.

However, with the death of Paul Bower on January 24, memories of those few days in the Magistrate's Court in October, 1963 came flooding back. For several years speculation continued about the letter writer. Today, when it no longer matters, and few would care, we realised that we were now the last living person who knows the letter's author. For the sake of history we revealed it in this column on February 11.

The calls that we have received as a result of that column, were not about the mystery writer, now unmasked, but about the fate of Paul Bower when he refused to give the court the writer's name. No, he did not go to prison as threatened by Magistrate John Bailey, who when off the bench was one of his best friends.

The case ended suddenly when the Guardian owners decided to pay the plaintiffs' damages, and rescue their man from the edge of the cliff. Magistrate Bailey had refused the Guardian leave to appeal his decision of name or prison.

Mr Bower, who was Guardian editor from 1958 to August 1962 (two months before the case came to court in October), asked the magistrate: "What would happen should I refuse (to reveal the writer's name)?"

"You would be in contempt," the Irish magistrate replied.

"What would be the consequences?" Mr Bower pressed. "A fine or a prison sentence," the magistrate shot back.

"Ten days in Her Majesty's prison!" LB Johnson, one of the six PLP plaintiffs, demanded loudly. This exchange was followed by a luncheon adjournment. By the afternoon the case was over, Mr Bower had missed the arrow, the plaintiffs had their damages, and letter writer Bert Cambridge was still a mystery man.

Guardian lawyer James Liddell had argued that not only was the plaintiffs' complaints vexatious, but that what was being complained of before the court was the letter and its content, not the identity of the writer. But the plaintiffs were not buying that argument, nor was the magistrate. In a few weeks time there would be a general election, which the PLP were confident of winning - in fact they lost. Racism was a heavy card being played at the time, and the six PLP plaintiffs -- all lawyers - wanted to know which white man would dare question their integrity in an anonymous letter. What they did not know was that the writer was, like themselves, a black man, a former politician, whose character Mr Bower had described in glowing terms in court. Several of the plaintiffs were Bert Cambridge's friends. In fact he had given music lessons to one of them. Bert Cambridge's Orchestra was the hottest band in town in the twenties and thirties, and music was his career.

But what we find most interesting is the change over the years in public values. In those days it was seldom that one sued a newspaper for defamation, and anything over £100 in damages was certainly unheard of. And so for "An Open Letter to Mr Paul Adderley," published in The Guardian on August 21, 1962 the six lawyers -- Paul Adderley, Loftus Roker, Lynden Pindling, AD Hanna, LB Johnson and Orville Turnquest -- each asked for £100 for the damage perceived to have been done to their reputations, plus costs, which in those days would have been minimal.

However, thanks to the influence over the years of America's legal system where it almost pays to do oneself an injury in a public place and walk away with millions awarded by the courts, Bahamians have adjusted their opinion of their own worth.

In 1962, Orville Turnquest who became the Bahamas' Governor General, was not bloated up with his own importance. He obviously felt well compensated with £100 for the slight he had felt was committed against him. If he had known that it was his old piano teacher, he probably would have slapped him on the back, had a good laugh and they would have gone off to make music together.

However, today we see some of these complaints, many of them vexatious, and the value -- starting in the thousands --that persons put on their own worth and we wonder where they are coming from.

In every way and in every segment of life the Bahamian's value system has certainly changed.

February 18, 2011

tribune242 editorial

Bahamas Blog International

No number of raids or repatriations will solve The Bahamas' immigration problem

The Bahamas and Haiti: Forty years of missed opportunities
By NOELLE NICOLLS
Tribune Staff Reporter
nnicolls@tribunemedia.net



When the African world needed a sign that its certain fate would not be decided by the interests of slave masters and colonial rulers, it was a group of disparate Africans on the island of Hispaniola, with the backing of their ancestors and the divine spirits, who rose to the occasion.

Empowered by a collective will they planted the seed in the African consciousness that we are more than they say we are; we deserve more than what they want for us.

Two hundred years later, Haiti that gave us hope, faces a seemingly hopeless fate. All we see of its people is that of their apparent worst side.

The eyes of the world take an interest only when the story line is of strife and scandal; when the images fit the narrative of poor, desolate, pagan and black.

In the minds of most Bahamians, the light that is Haiti has faded: obscured by fatigue, resentment, tough love, scarcity, indifference, misinformation and prejudice.

The light has also faded in the minds of many Haitians: obscured by exhaustion, hunger, insecurity, anger, self-hate.

Experience tells us that in our weakest times as human beings, it often takes a light, whether shone by an external source or a spark in our own spirits, to help us overcome.

In an Avatarish way that light speaks to us and says: "I see you." In an African way that light says, harambe, "the community needs you." In the language of psychotherapy, the light says, "tap into the greatness that lies within and live it." And in the language of our queen mothers it says, "I love you."

The call to Africans across the globe is to inform/educate yourself; elevate your consciousness about Haiti so our people and the entire world knows, Haiti is more and Haiti deserves more.

It is more than what the international media depicts. It is more than the actions of its political electorate. It is more than the folly that befalls it. It is more than what our eyes see.

As African people we need to care enough to demand that Haiti fulfil its revolutionary promise of being the beacon of light.

In this season of suffering, Haiti needs not our pity nor our charity, it needs our great expectations, and with our collective consciousness, we will call out its greatness.

Haiti has much work to do, but I wonder if we as African people will start to play our part. Certainly, in the history of our relationship with Haiti, the Bahamas has missed countless opportunities, largely because of our singular focus on immigration.

If we date the start of diplomatic relations to 1971, when the Bahamas signed the first of three bilateral treaties, then we can claim the 40-year prize of missed opportunities in building a meaningful relationship.

With newly acquired rights to self governance, and a dispatch from the UK Foreign Common Law Office giving it limited authority to conduct external affairs, the Bahamas government negotiated its first bilateral agreement in 1971. Haiti was the foreign partner.

Whatever promise this sign may have represented was short lived because the 1971 agreement was "never really actualised," according to Joshua Sears, director general, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

And it was the only agreement that envisaged a broad range of relationships, including commercial trade and technical cooperation, education exchanges and cultural linkages. The central issue of subsequent agreements - 1985 and 1995 - was immigration.

Although Haitians have been migrating to the Bahamas for centuries, the Haitian immigration "problem" only dates back to the 1950s.

The Department of Immigration was formed as a statutory body from 1939, but for all its efforts over 60 plus years, the solution to the "immigration problem" still evades the government.

This is not withstanding the notoriously draconian efforts of Minister of Immigration Loftus Roker to round up "illegals."

One day, hopefully, Bahamians will wake up and realise, as sure as a man cannot cheat death, no number of raids or repatriations will solve the "immigration problem."

Neither the Department of Immigration, the Defence Force nor the entire might of the state has the power to ease the desire of desperate-minded people seeking a better life.

And we have no friend in the Haitian government, where that is concerned. In a country of 10 million, with a Diaspora probably twice that size, the hundreds of people who migrate to the Bahamas, whether legally or illegally, is not a problem on the minds of most.

For centuries, migration has been the answer to populations seeking a better life, said Leonard Archer, former CARICOM Ambassador. This is the story of Europe, Asia, Africa, everywhere in the world. When people experience scarcity, drought, famine, hardship, persecution in one area they move to another.

"If you interview the Haitian people who are coming, a number of them have been deported two, three, four times. People are desperate. The reality is desperate people will always move and we can't afford to put a wall around the country," said Mr Archer.

"We have been deporting people to Haiti since the 1970s. Has it helped? Has it worked?" he asked.

We are banging our heads on the wall with our hysteria over the so-called illegals. History has shown us, we are inextricably linked to Haiti. Today is no different. Waves of immigration are seen anytime public confidence wanes, during economic crises, at the mere threat of political instability, and at times of natural disaster, of which Haiti is no stranger.

Short of Haiti being restored as the pride of the world, the migration is not going to stop. Not that the Bahamas should ignore its national interests, but all that banging is just giving us a headache.


January 31, 2011

tribune242

Bahamas Blog International

Bahamas Immigration Dilemma

The Immigration Dilemma
By JUAN MCCARTNEY
Guardian Senior Reporter
juan@nasguard.com:



Back in the 1980s when the name Loftus Roker, then minister responsible for immigration, was spoken in the Haitian community, it was done so in hushed tones with an underlying sense of impending doom.

Illegal and legal Haitian migrants, adults and children alike feared Roker. And for good reason.

During Roker's heyday many in the Haitian community referred to him as"Daddy".

And many of those same Haitian migrants were constantly looking over their shoulders, fretting that'Daddy'and his team of eager immigration officers might swoop in at any time or place at schools, at the hospital, at church, in the middle of the night and have them swiftly back on Haitian soil.

Just as many Haitians feared Roker, many Bahamians at the time considered him a savior come to rid The Bahamas of undesirable aliens who"messed up their own country and were now coming to take over ours".

Conversely, there were those Bahamians who viewed Roker's reign at immigration as one of terror.

The Roker style is not in practice today.

Prime Minister Hubert Ingraham, when asked by a reporter a couple of years ago if the Department of Immigration should conduct raids'Roker-style', replied:"We are not of that ilk."

While there is no denying Roker's zeal and popular appeal at the time, in the end it should be noted that Roker was about as effective as every other minister of immigration The Bahamas has ever seen; which is to say that he was not very effective at all.

Nothing Roker did actually helped stem the tide of illegal Haitian migrants into the country. Illegal Haitian migrants as they have been doing for the past 30 years still flock to our shores today.

Fast-forward to the 21st Century, when just recently, Immigration and Royal Bahamas Defence Force(RBDF)officials(with some help from the United States Coast Guard)apprehended over 500 illegal migrants within several days.

Five-hundred Haitian men, women and children paid what would be considered a vast amount in their home country to cram like sardines into unseaworthy vessels, with little food or water and a high probability of drowning in a summer of record heat, in search of a better way of life.

One would recall the case of an alleged murderer reportedly of Haitian descent, who eluded police several years ago only to be recaptured upon trying to reenter the country at a Family Island port.

When recaptured, the young man reportedly told police that he had been hiding in Haiti, but things were so rough in that country that finding food on a daily basis was never assured. He reportedly told police that he knew that if he were imprisoned in The Bahamas, he would eat every day.

That a man facing the death penalty would reportedly utter such comments, also speaks volumes about our justice system, but immigration policies are the focus at the moment.

The point is that illegal Haitian migrants come here unabated, knowing the chance of being caught is slim and even if they are deported, they could always risk their lives again.

Many Haitians apparently believe they can enter The Bahamas almost at will. This may be because they are aware that like Roker, all immigration ministers in recent memory have subscribed to the policy of'round-up and repatriate'as the solution to the illegal immigration problem.

Round-ups(or apprehension exercises as the politically correct prefer to term them)alone have failed to solve the problem.

They are at best ineffective stopgap measures that have mainly been used as a publicity tool for the government.

But they are better than nothing.

How the administration of Prime Minister Ingraham has flip-flopped and mishandled the illegal Haitian migration issue since that devastating January 12 earthquake in Port-au-Prince would have been amusing to watch had the implications not been so serious.

First the government ceased repatriations and apprehension exercises in light of the earthquake. Then the government, in a move that prompted a firestorm of debate, released more than 100 illegal Haitian migrants from the Carmichael Road Detention Centre and gave the less than 60 former detainees who bothered to show up to register at the Department of Immigration, six months temporary status. To this day, the current status of those immigrants remains unclear.

From there the policy became even more muddled.

About two weeks after Ingraham declared the shift in policy, Deputy Prime Minister Brent Symonette(the substantive minister responsible for immigration)and the then junior immigration minister Branville McCartney had two different views on what should happen to a group of illegal Haitian migrants that landed in the Coral Harbour area of New Providence since Ingraham's announcement.

Symonette, who was interviewed as he was going into a Cabinet meeting, said the immigrants would"more than likely"be released.

Minutes later McCartney-who was not yet aware of what the senior minister had told reporters-said he planned to stick to the prime minister's previously stated policy of charging the immigrants with illegal landing before the courts.

Not long after that, Prime Minister Ingraham showed up and said that his policy of charging the immigrants still stood.

Ingraham's word of course superseded Symonette's and the immigrants were charged with illegal landing that day.

Little else was heard about illegal Haitian migrants since.

Now, after having done little for the past seven or so months, Symonette admits that there has been an uptick in illegal Haitian migration into The Bahamas and has urged that all illegal migrants turn themselves in to immigration officials to be returned home forthwith.

After Symonette communicated the words in English and Creole, a collective roar of laughter must have risen out of the Haitian community.

Does Symonette really expect Haitians who had come here illegally to all of a sudden do an about-face and volunteer to be returned home?

Surely not, considering that Symonette admits that apprehension exercises were still on hold and Director of Immigration Jack Thompson could up to last week give no firm timeline on when the exercises would resume.

And it is this ever-shifting, fly-by-the-seat-of-your-pants attitude as it regards Haitian migration since the beginning of the year that has conclusively shown that the current administration has never really had an actual workable plan with definable goals in place to deal with the issue.

And if we are mistaken and Prime Minister Ingraham and the Free National Movement actually have a plan in mind, then it seems that they lack the political will or courage to attempt its implementation.

Either way, this latest incarnation of the Ingraham administration, like all administrations since Independence, has failed the Bahamian people on the immigration front.

Ingraham's bark is worse than his bite

Some people criticize Ingraham for being too direct and gruff at times.

It's what some Bahamians would term as too"no manners".

Despite the'pit bull'persona Ingraham has generated, if you observe him carefully, you would see that at heart he is really a soft touch for those who find themselves particularly disadvantaged.

After Ingraham's 2002 referendum was rejected in spectacular fashion, he vowed that no more referenda would be held under his watch.

That referendum was rejected for numerous reasons: a terrible public awareness campaign; Ingraham's aggressive(and perhaps off-putting)selling of its agenda; an about-face by the Progressive Liberal Party(PLP), which voted for it in Parliament, but while on the campaign trail, advised Bahamians to shoot it down; and then there was the perception by many that the then government was trying to amend too much too fast.

If you watch the House of Assembly as intently as those in our profession do, you would sometimes catch Ingraham on the floor digressing in a retrospective manner about what he tried to do for women, for the tens of thousands of people out there who are technically Haitian but know no other home than The Bahamas.

Ingraham did try his best to bring some sort of major immigration reform, but in the end his best was not good enough and he seems to have still not fully gotten over that defeat.

But if that is the case, it's about time that he does.

The PLP not much better

True to form, the Opposition under the leadership of former Prime Minister Perry Christie has taken no clear position on the immigration issue since it once again became front and center earlier this year.

The Progressive Liberal Party(PLP)has sat idly by twiddling its thumbs in classic fashion, crying about non-consultation, hoping that the FNM will ultimately look so inept that the Bahamian people will give the party another shot at government.

Perhaps the issue is too big for the PLP, which has trouble making up its mind on various issues that have widespread implications--legalizing numbers, the marital rape issue, Baha Mar and Chinese labor to name a few.

The Opposition seems to be more suited to complaining about the landscaping of beaches, the direction of roads and the appointment of foreigners to public office.

Far be it from the PLP to actually propose an alternate immigration plan.

The only person in the Opposition who seems to have any focus on the issue is Fox Hill MP Fred Mitchell, who while proposing no new ideas per se, at least has the issue on his radar.

Alas, Mitchell is even more of a soft touch than the prime minister.

Christie meantime has not shown a particularly keen interest in even acknowledging the problem.

Voices within the party that actually propose ideas about the issue such as former chairman Raynard Rigby are often met with derision.

That the PLP has not put the services of people as intelligent as Rigby(of which there are many in the party)to use in crafting a new national platform for the party, makes one wonder what, aside from ratifying candidates and throwing jeers at Cabinet members, has the party been doing for the past three years.

As the PLP learned when it was defeated amidst an economic boom in 2007, the Bahamian electorate is fickle.

The party must propose alternate solutions to the policies of the Ingraham administration if it is to set itself apart and regain the government.

Make the hard choices

Although the world and The Bahamas have made exponential progress in the past 30 years, little has changed since the 1980s regarding illegal migration.

The most notable immigration ministers since Roker have been Golden Gates MP Shane Gibson and Bamboo Town MP Branville McCartney, both of whom resigned in the midst of their respective tenures.

Gibson, who was widely compared to Roker in his aggressive approach, resigned amid the Anna Nicole-Smith scandal.

McCartney reportedly became fed up that Ingraham found his stance toward illegal Haitian migrants too aggressive and flashy.

Since McCartney's departure we are now left with Symonette, who seems to have too much on his plate.

He is the deputy prime minister, the minister of foreign affairs and the minister of immigration.

Tens of thousands of illegal migrants perhaps sit in shanty towns across the country mocking Symonette's recent hollow threat.

Ingraham seems content to leave this issue to the next generation of Bahamians.

Meantime, The Bahamas immigration policy cannot be clearly defined and the Bahamian people remain adrift in a sea of uncertainty, much like the Haitian sloops that depart Port-de-Paix and Cape Haitien, filled with human cargo in search of a better life.

However, the major difference between us and them is that the Haitians at least have some idea of their destination.

8/23/2010

thenassauguardian

Bahamas Blog International